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Yale. Ruggles, Tobin, Parker, Peck, Levin, and Brainard muse about their economics department, 1999.

 

 

This item is too nice to leave as a mere link so I have copied and pasted from two different captured webpages at the internet archive, Wayback Machine. About a half century of memories are found in the collective memories of six members of the Yale economics department. Tobin, Parker, and Peck were professors of mine and it is so nice to “hear” their voices again. From time to time, I return to this page to add links.
At the bottom of this post you will find a brief comment by Edmund Phelps who is a Yale economics Ph.D. alumnus (among other career highlights). Edmund Phelps’ autobiographical reflections at the Nobel Prize website include much Yale material, in his scholarly life that has spanned many institutions.
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The Yale Economics Department:
Memories and Musings of Past Leaders

M. Ann Judd, Business Manager/Research Associate
Economic Growth Center

As beauty is in the eye of the beholder, so one’s view of history is often influenced by one’s own role in that history as well as by the roles of one’s fellow actors. The history of the Yale Economics Department is more than a collection of dates and facts and is probably best told by those who lived it, were changed by it, and, in turn, shaped it. Among the important players in this history were James Tobin, Richard Ruggles, William Parker, Merton J. Peck, Richard Levin, and William Brainard. Their reminiscences give a flavor for the department over the past 50 years. Each man brought special talents and qualities to the department; each has taken away a unique set of memories of the people and events that defined the department for him. Within each unique set of memories, however, some common threads emerge: Lloyd Reynolds’ important contributions to building the department from being second-rate to one of the strongest in the country; the arrival of the Cowles Foundation and its impact on the department; the creation of the Economic Growth Center; the turmoil of the sixties; the downsizing in the seventies and eighties; and the many factors that give Yale’s Economics Department its distinctive character.

Introduction

The history of the department has been set forth by Lloyd Reynolds in “Economics at Yale, 1940-1990.” According to Reynolds, both the study of economics and the department itself have undergone major changes since the teaching of economics at Yale began with the appointment of Irving Fisher in 1891. Many of the changes in the department began around the time that Reynolds himself joined the department in 1945. The department of the 1920s and 1930s lacked a clear identity due in part to the fact that some of the “economics” faculty were members of the Department of Political and Social Science (which included several sub-disciplines – economics, government, anthropology and sociology), and some were members of a small Department of Applied Economics at the Sheffield Scientific School. These applied economists generally did not have formal training in economics and were more business and practically oriented. In 1937, a major restructuring of the university merged the faculties of Sheffield and Yale College into a single Faculty of Arts and Sciences under a single dean. This process resulted in the creation of a separate Department of Economics, which brought together economists from the Department of Political and Social Science and applied economists from Sheffield.

Although there was a group of younger economists in the department in the mid-1940s, which included, in addition to Reynolds, John Miller, Max Millikan, Harold Williamson, and Ralph Jones, the decision-making in the department was dominated by what Reynolds refers to as the “ice cap.” This group consisted of older, conservative professors, eulogized by William F. Buckley, Jr. in his God And Man At Yale, who were prone to regard younger economists as being dangerously liberal. However, they had control over appointments and promotions, which meant that the atmosphere for junior faculty at Yale was relatively discouraging. In the forties, the power of the “ice cap” began to melt, and Kent Healy, who was chair in the mid- to late-1940s, began the process of strengthening the department. In the early postwar period, he brought in a very strong group of younger faculty members, many of whom were later to make major contributions to the department: Neil Chamberlain; Challis Hall; Charles E. Lindblom; Warren Nutter; Richard Ruggles; and James Tobin.

Reynolds describes the period between 1950 and 1965 as one of great expansion. During this period, the number in professorial ranks tripled, the annual expenditures for teaching and research increased from $118,000 in 1951-52 to over $1 million in 1965-66, and the department achieved a ranking of either first or second in the country. Also during this period the Cowles Foundation moved to Yale, very strong faculty members were recruited, the Economic Growth Center was founded, and there was an abundance of foundation money.

In 1951, the department had five full professors; by 1954 there were eleven. This was made possible by three outside appointments (Henry Wallich, Robert Triffin, and William Fellner) and three internal promotions (Richard Ruggles, James Tobin, and Ralph Jones). Between 1952 and 1957, fifteen assistant professors were appointed, an average of three per year. All fifteen of these junior faculty members were from outside Yale because at that time the department’s Ph.D. program was not very strong.. By the end of the fifties, the department had a large and strong group of junior faculty, only two of whom ended up staying at Yale over the long run. The main reason faculty were lost was that they were lured away by competing institutions.

The year 1965 marked the peak of departmental strength: economics was one of the largest undergraduate majors; the graduate school admitted approximately 30 prospective economists of high quality each year; the M.A. program for government economists from developing countries was flourishing; Cowles and the Economic Growth Center were important and firmly established parts of the department; and invitations to join the faculty were rarely turned down. Only two issues clouded an otherwise positive picture: 1) the unbalance in the department that was the result of the faculty’s being heavily weighted toward theory and mathematical economics but being weak in some applied fields; and 2) the perceived and sometime actual inequality between department members who were affiliated with either Cowles or the Economic Growth Center and those who were not.

The period between 1965 and 1990 is described by Reynolds in three words: consolidation; decline; and recovery. By 1980, the department was ranked toward the bottom of the “top ten.” The quality of the graduate student body declined in part because top undergraduate students were choosing graduate programs in law, medicine, or business over Ph.D. programs. The department also lost many of the best applicants to Harvard and MIT. The university itself also went through a period of consolidation during this time, which had an effect on all departments. Government and grant money became more difficult to obtain, which in turn led the department to cut back on faculty. Finally, the department lost and had trouble recruiting faculty replacements during this time for three major reasons: 1) New Haven was not viewed as being a desirable location; 2) the area had limited opportunities for two-career families; and 3) internal disagreements often prevented appointments from being made. Actions taken in the late 1980s ameliorated the situation somewhat, and a few strong junior and senior appointments have brought the overall quality of the department back to its mid-1960’s level.

Memories and Musings

I had the opportunity and honor to spend time with several of the men who have contributed so much to the department. The thoughts they shared with me give insight into their contributions to the department and put their own particular spin on some of the major events in the department’s history. I have edited some of their comments (some were more loquacious than others), but have tried to preserve the personality and character of these men as reflected in their own words.

 

Richard Ruggles

In 1939 I graduated from Harvard with my classmates, William Parker and James Tobin, and like them undertook graduate study in economics. The previous cohort of Harvard graduate students in economics was very distinguished and included Paul Samuelson, Ken Galbraith, Abe Bergson, Lloyd Reynolds, John Miller, Lloyd Metzler, Robert Triffin, Henry Wallich, and many others, including my sister Catherine Ruggles. With the outbreak of World War II, Bill Parker went into the Army and Jim Tobin went into the Navy. I managed to finish my graduate work and I went into OSS. I served in London in 1943, in Europe in 1944, and went to Japan for the Bombing Survey at the end of the war.

In 1946, I returned to Harvard as an Instructor and married Nancy Dunlap, who enrolled as a graduate student in economics at Radcliffe. At the 1946 meetings of the American Economic Association, I met John Miller, who had moved to Yale, and he invited me to give a talk at Yale. I did so and was appointed Assistant Professor. At that time Ed Lindblom, Neil Chamberlain and Challis Hall were also appointed as Assistant Professors. Although, at Harvard, Yale was viewed as a boys’ finishing school, there was a group of younger faculty members who were highly regarded. In addition to John Miller, Lloyd Reynolds had come from Harvard, and there were Max Millikan, Richard Bissell (who was always on leave) and Wight Bakke. The so-called “ice cap” consisted of pre-Keynesian economists who, for the most part, specialized in specific areas such as transportation, corporate finance, accounting, and money and banking. Generally speaking, the “ice-cap” were reasonable men, but they were oriented toward training Yale undergraduates to go out into the business world.

The newly appointed Assistant Professors were quite congenial and held Saturday night dances in the Strathcona lounge. There was, however, no role for professional women in the Economics Department so Nancy and I became consultants for the government, the United Nations, and foundations. In 1948, we went to Europe for the Economic Cooperation Administration. In the 1950s, we worked for ECA in Washington, the Ford Foundation, and the United Nations in New York. When the Korean war broke out, we were asked to create an intelligence unit for the CIA for collecting and analyzing Soviet factory markings. We hired some Yale students and employees from ECA. At Yale we developed a “Rapid Selector” project in conjunction with the Yale Electrical Engineering Department to help analyze the factory markings data collected from Korea. The “Yale Rapid Selector” was quickly made obsolete by the development of computers.

During the 1950s, Lloyd Reynolds was building up the Economics Department at Yale. He recruited Robert Triffin, Henry Wallich, and William Fellner. The Yale Economics Department was becoming known for the quality of its faculty. At that time, the Cowles Commission at the University of Chicago was unhappy with their arrangements there and approached Lloyd about coming to Yale. The arrangements for bringing Cowles to Yale were made in 1955, with Tjalling Koopmans and Jacob Marschak being appointed as Professors in the Economics Department. As part of the agreement, the Econometric Society also moved to Yale, and I agreed to serve as Secretary, with Nancy as Treasurer.

By 1959, however, friction developed between some members of the Cowles Foundation and the Chairman, Lloyd Reynolds. As a consequence I was asked to serve as chair. As Chairman I managed to recruit Joe Peck, William Parker, and Hugh Patrick, who had been an undergraduate at Yale and had participated in the CIA Korean project. However, I did not like being Chairman, and I resigned in 1962.

The Yale Economic Growth Center was established in 1961. Lloyd Reynolds and I had served as consultants to the Ford Foundation, and they had expressed an interest in establishing a center for the study of economic development at Yale. In addition, Nancy and I were actively consulting for the Agency for International Development in Washington D.C., and they also wished to foster such research. As a consequence, Lloyd Reynolds established the Yale Economic Growth Center. It had as its mission the development of “country studies” of economic development. Graduate students in economics writing their doctoral dissertations were sent to developing countries to do “country studies.” To facilitate and manage the operations, Miriam Chamberlain was appointed Executive Secretary to manage the day-to-day operations of the Growth Center. Miriam had been working at the Ford Foundation in New York and had moved back to New Haven when her husband Neil was made a Professor of Labor Economics. Mary Reynolds, wife of Lloyd Reynolds, was placed in charge of building up a library of books, documents, and data relating to developing countries. Nancy Ruggles was hired with AID funds to design the framework of data for the country studies. In addition, Nancy agreed to become the Secretary of the International Association for Research in Income and Wealth, which was transferred to the Economic Growth Center from the University of Cambridge, England. All three women had Ph.D.s from Radcliffe and were highly qualified for their functions.

To some members of the Economics Department, however, the hiring of faculty wives seemed inappropriate, and in 1966 the Chairman, therefore, asked for their resignations. Simon Kuznets suggested that Nancy and I could carry out our research program at the National Bureau of Economic Research in New York. For the next decade I carried out my research activities at the NBER in New York and Washington D.C. I taught the undergraduate course of the “Economics of the Public Sector,” the Senior Honors Seminar, the graduate course in “National Accounting,” and carried out the administrative tasks of Director of Undergraduate Studies or Director of Graduate Studies in Economics.

In 1978, I transferred my research activities from the NBER to the Institution for Social and Policy Studies at Yale. Nancy had been employed as the Assistant Director of the United Nations Statistical Office, but she also became associated with ISPS in 1980. We jointly carried out our research at ISPS until the accidental death of Nancy in 1987.

 

James Tobin

I came to the Yale Economics Department in 1950. It was my first job after having gotten my degree at Harvard and then having spent three years on a postdoctoral fellowship, partly at Harvard and partly at Cambridge in England. When I came here in 1950 the department was very small. I think there were maybe 4 or 5 professors (maybe a few more); that was all. The faculty weren’t all really economists. Some of them had been in the Applied Economics Department at the Sheffield Scientific School: Ralph Jones was an accountant; Wight Bakke was in labor economics though he was more of a sociologist than an economist; and Kent Healy was a railroad economist. Healy was a very interesting man, but he was not squarely in the center of the field of economics. There were others in industrial engineering, business, and banking. Two other members of the department had gone into academic administration. Edgar Furniss was Provost and Norman Buck was Dean of Freshman. Furniss and Buck were part of the famous trio, Fairchild, Furniss and Buck, who had written what was the big textbook in the 1920s and early 30s. At the time I came to Yale, Furniss and Buck were not very active in the department because they were busy with administrative responsibilities.

However, there were some new people here, people I had known at Harvard. Lloyd Reynolds and John Perry Miller, who were maybe five or six years older than I was, had been instructors, i.e., advanced graduate students, when I was an undergraduate at Harvard. Richard Ruggles, who had been a classmate of mine at Harvard College and in graduate school, was also here and was very influential in my deciding to come to Yale. Another graduate school acquaintance of mine, Challis Hall, had also come to Yale. There were others, not from Harvard, new to me. Ed Lindblom was another of the younger and new people here back then; then as now a most interesting colleague.

At the time I came there were very few graduate students (7 or 8 at the most), so the department could not be described as having been a big thing at Yale. I came to Yale because Ruggles, Reynolds, and Miller convinced me that there would be a renaissance of the department; it would grow and improve. That was indeed what happened. I think when I was chairman in the 1970s that we had a department of almost 60 people, 30 of whom were full professors, and that was about 25 years after I had come. So over those years a lot did happen and much of that was due to the initiatives of John Miller and Lloyd Reynolds who scrambled around among Yale alumni to get help in financing graduate fellowships and started building the department. During the early 50s, they were active in recruiting. William Fellner, Henry Wallich, and Robert Triffin were three excellent professorial appointments who helped to put the department on the map.

In 1954, I was asked by the Cowles Commission for Research in Economics (then located at the University of Chicago) to come to Chicago and be its director. I had tremendous respect for the commission and for the people there, including two great economic theorists and econometricians. One was Jacob Marschak. Marschak came originally from Russia through Germany. He had left Germany in the 30s in fear of Hitler, joined the New School in New York on his way to Chicago and Cowles. I had first met Marschak at the American Economics Association meetings in 1948 where I had been asked to discuss a paper of his. I was barely out of graduate school at the time, actually a postdoc, and it took me all Christmas vacation to prepare for the session. But my discussion impressed Marschak, and that’s how I got to know him. The other Cowles leader was Tjalling Koopmans, who was then its Director. I was being asked to succeed Koopmans who had had as much as he wanted of that job. I went out to Chicago to discuss the offer, but I was not very anxious to move there, and my wife was certainly not anxious to do that. I phoned Koopmans a week or so after my visit, and I told him what I thought he would find to be bad news, that I was going to decline their invitation. Koopmans didn’t seem to think that it was bad news. He said at once that he was going to be on sabbatical leave for the 1954-55 academic year, and he wondered if it would be possible for him to spend the year at Yale. I was not yet a full professor and I certainly couldn’t speak for Yale, but I told him I couldn’t imagine that Yale wouldn’t be absolutely delighted. Surely the department would be enthusiastic if he were to come. Koopmans did come under the Irving Fisher Visiting Professorship. It turned out that Koopmans had anticipated that this would happen. The whole idea had been that the commission would try to get a new director. However, they didn’t expect that they would be able to get anybody that they wanted and that if this were the case they would then consider moving. So Koopmans’ idea in coming here for his sabbatical was to start the ball rolling for the move to Yale. Yale was the logical place to come because the Cowles Commission was founded and financed by a Yale alumnus of the class of 1913, Alfred (Bob) Cowles.

During the 1954-55 academic year Koopmans negotiated the deal that brought Cowles here. I then became the director of the Cowles Foundation for Research in Economics when it relocated here beginning in 1955. Both Koopmans and Marschak also made the move to Yale, as did a group of very bright younger people, many of whom have become very distinguished economists over the intervening years: Roy Radner for one and Gerard Debrue who later won a Nobel Prize (which, of course, Tjalling Koopmans did also). Our department was augmented not just by the two major professors who came but also by the younger assistant professors. The Cowles move kept the momentum going toward enlarging the department, improving its reputation, and attracting more graduate students. It also helped to get the funds to finance all these things, in part because the Cowles Foundation brought its own money. We soon became a major department in the country, one of the top four or five, whereas Yale in 1950 had not ranked at all among major departments of economics.

I was the director of Cowles for some years, interrupted by my going to work with the Council of Economic Advisors in Washington for two years, in 1961 and 1962. I came back and was director again for a while and then moved on. I was chairman for a year (1968-69) when Joe Peck went to the CEA, but my real term as chairman was 1974-78. This period was the peak of the department in size; it was probably the biggest in terms of number of faculty that it’s ever been. It was also a time of transition because some of the older professors were retiring. At the end of my term as chairman, I wrote a final report to the provost. In the report, I discussed a number of problems that I saw in the department. However, I must say that when I was chairman I got the most complete cooperation that anyone could ask for from the provost, who at that time was Hannah Gray. Gray was very sympathetic to the department and appreciative of the distinction that the economics department and its faculty were bringing to the university.

As I’ve said, in those days the department was doing well and was highly regarded. There were a few things that I worried about, but I should say that I didn’t worry very much. I did not find it hard to be chairman. I actually liked the job. I didn’t find it to be a great burden, and I didn’t find that it took all of my time. I had an excellent staff at 28 Hillhouse and fine cooperation from my colleagues.

However, we were having some problems in recruiting and holding some of the best quality economists in the country, for various reasons. Among people who had never lived here or knew very little about the city, New Haven didn’t have a great reputation then, or now I guess, as a place to live. (Actually when I first mentioned, in 1950, to my wife that we had an excellent offer from Yale, she was not very keen on the idea. But she learned to love New Haven, so it all worked out). But one of the problems of New Haven (even 20 years ago) was finding jobs for the spouses of people we wanted to attract to the faculty. There are not a lot of other attractive educational institutions around here, and the area is not a big place for a lot of the professional jobs that spouses of professors are looking for. The spouses often thought that they should have a connection with Yale, but it wasn’t easy to arrange joint appointments for two people at once. In fact, that’s one of the reasons we lost Joe Stiglitz. Stiglitz was a very eminent young economist in those days, a real rising star, and we felt good that we had attracted him here at the same time that we got Bill Nordhaus. Unfortunately, we couldn’t accommodate his new wife who was also an economist; in fact one of our graduates at Stanford could.

Our difficulties in getting outside people to come here applied also to assistant professors. Earlier in the 70s they had come gladly. They knew they wouldn’t get tenure, but they thought the experience would be interesting and valuable to them. However, our uniqueness in providing that opportunity was going away, and we didn’t have much chance to make internal promotions because we were already a very large department. It turned out, and has turned out over the years, that the people we had an advantage in trying to recruit were people who had been students here, who knew the place, who knew the department, and who knew New Haven. Many of our faculty are Yale Ph.D.s, and they came back here more readily than people who had Harvard degrees or Chicago degrees or whatever. For people of the same quality, we had a greater chance of getting them if they had some experience or previous knowledge of Yale.

The graduate program had already begun attracting students in the 1950s and was a very popular place for graduate study for people who came out of colleges such as Oberlin, Swarthmore, Williams, and such places all around the country. However, we were not able to do as well as Harvard or MIT in getting the graduate students we wanted. First, to them Boston was a more attractive place to live than New Haven. Second, there was a feeling among graduate students who had gotten National Science Foundation fellowships that one should go to MIT because a lot of other people who had gotten NSF fellowships would be there as well. So a superior student body was attracting a superior student body.

I would also say that, in both faculty and graduate student recruiting, Yale has had a tendency to think of itself as more obviously attractive to everybody than it is. We’ve often been a bit arrogant in deciding whether we wanted somebody or not and in finding reasons not to recruit them. In addition, we didn’t have higher salaries or higher fellowships to use to attract people, partly because of the attitude of “well, after all it’s Yale.” There were also times when we would have done well to take risks in getting younger people for full professorships or associate professorships ahead of their normal appointment rank. The department tended to be very choosey about these things and some of our faculty felt that we’d better wait and see how good someone was. However, by the time we had waited to see how good they were, they had accepted positions somewhere else, and we had no chance to get them. That happened quite often, and I think still does. However, in looking at the program I received for the departmental reunion this April, I see a list of very eminent scholars. They are all our own Ph.D. products, and they are great people. We should be proud of having produced a group like that over all these years.

In those days, back in the 60s and well into the 70s when I was still chairman, many excellent college students in good colleges and universities who majored in economics were interested in getting a Ph.D. in economics and going into college teaching. I think at Yale in those days ten percent of the senior class who were majors in economics went to graduate school in economics somewhere; now almost nobody does. The same is true for the other institutions that were the feeder schools for graduate students in economics. Students now go to business school or law schools or they go to Goldman-Sachs in New York to take a remunerative job. At any rate, they don’t find an academic career in conventional economics as attractive as did their forebears who had graduated from the same list of good colleges and universities in the past. That’s why we have had to rely on foreign students much more these days, which has changed the atmosphere of the department. The department always had good foreign students, but having so few American and Canadian students has changed the interests of the graduate students. There is less interest in policy, world affairs, American affairs, current events and more exclusive interest in formal theory and technique. Also it used to be that our graduate economics club itself organized symposia, debates on political economy – things that were in the press everyday. That doesn’t happen now.

Another concern of mine was the slowness of dissertations. The question is whether we rely too much on students being self-starters on their dissertations. My observation is that students often spend a lot of wasted motion and wasted time trying to find, on their own, a dissertation subject. In the physical sciences graduate students usually attach themselves to a lab in which there is one principal investigator, one faculty member, and the professor has a whole large research agenda in mind that is then parceled out to students as subjects for dissertations. We’ve always regarded the choice and the design of the subject as part of the test of the candidate; something that the students should do on their own. However, maybe we have overdone it. This is a perennial problem, and there is a perennial debate as to how it should be organized.

One problem that we had in my day as chairman and since is the fragmentation of the department. Partly the profession itself has become more specialized, so that few people are general economists. They’ve become specialized and tend to see more of people who have interests that are closely related to their own than they see of their colleagues in general. It was partly for that reason that I was advocating, back in the time when I wrote my chairman’s report, a physical connection between 28 and 30 Hillhouse. We finally got that, thanks to Bill Brainard sticking with it and getting it done. I think it’s great, a wonderful common room for the department and the graduate students.

The coming of Cowles in 1955, as I see it, without a doubt must be regarded as a big plus for this department. It certainly brought very eminent people here, and it did great things for us to have Marschak and Koopmans and the younger people they attracted. However one problem that it brought was the result of the fact that the Cowles Commission had originally started in the 1930s when mathematical and quantitative methods in economics were rather new and rare. Actually, Irving Fisher, beginning in the 1890s here at Yale, was one of the rare pioneers in bringing mathematics into economics. He was very unusual in that respect. There weren’t very many people like that. In fact, he was almost the only one in the U.S. in those days. The Cowles Commission was founded by Alfred Cowles precisely to see if quantitative methods, statistics, and mathematical formulations in economics couldn’t be promoted and couldn’t solve some of the problems that had been difficult in the 30s in the actual operation of the markets and the economy in general. The commission was the major focus in the world of people who had the interest, ability and training to do this, and it was a pioneering thing to do. It was also the same Mr. Cowles and his generosity that produced, in conjunction with the Commission, the Econometrics Society, the journal Econometrica, and really the whole subject of econometrics.

However, by the 1950s and 60s these techniques had begun to spread over the whole profession and, essentially, rather than being unusual skills, they became the normal skills that people had to learn if they wanted to be graduate students and become professional economists. So it was no longer the case that people who had the abilities and interests that had marked the Cowles Commission in its earlier stages were so unusual, and, therefore, almost everybody who might be recruited to Yale felt that he or she was capable and qualified to be in the Cowles Foundation. Essentially the Cowles Commission doctrine had won, it had swept the profession, and everybody was doing it. So the question became what was the difference between the people who came to Yale who were in Cowles and the people who were not. There were those who didn’t see any reason that they shouldn’t be in Cowles, and job candidates were often told by their professors at Harvard or Princeton or wherever that they should accept a position at Yale only if they could be in Cowles. It really became a status thing. When Cowles came to Yale in 1955 and I was the director, I invited some people who were already at Yale to be in the foundation; Arthur Okun, Charles Berry, Michael Lovell, and so on. So the foundation was composed partly of people who had come from Chicago and partly of people who were already at Yale. And we did in the future add to the Cowles roster people who were recruited because they were wanted by the department as a whole and not just by Cowles for its own program. However, there was a psychology of fragmentation which resulted from some of the difficulties some people saw in having this high-powered organization here.

Now in the old days of economic research in general there was a willingness on the part of foundations to give block grants to research institutions such as Cowles, the Economic Growth Center, and the National Bureau for Economic Research. The NSF, Ford Foundation, and Rockefeller Foundation were willing to give a bunch of money to the organization for whatever broad program had been described to them by the leadership of the organization. The foundations stopped doing that sometime in the late 60s and started insisting, the NSF particularly, that every grant be for a specific research project. When I was first director of Cowles I got block grants, but afterwards the policies of the foundations were such that you couldn’t do that anymore; you had to look for funding on a project-by-project basis. This lessened the administrative distinction between the Cowles and the rest of the department. Everybody at Cowles had to put together individual grants as did everybody else in the rest of the department.

This Cowles-not Cowles problem, which was severe in the 70s and early 80s, finally got solved. Now there isn’t any attempt to have any foundation-wide program here in this building as there was back in Chicago and in the first days at Yale. Cowles is now more of a service organization for anybody who wants to be in it.

The Economic Growth Center also became a center with its own program, its own leadership, and its own members. I thought as chairman that once these institutions existed that we had to treat them with fairness, they have legitimate reasons for being here and sometimes they need to have appointments that are departmental appointments. Cowles really was not doing a lot of specialized things in those days or now, but the Growth Center was and is still now concentrated on some particular problems, so they need to have the personnel to study them.

I felt that there were some problems related to the then new School of Management, and these may be continuing problems. One problem was, is, that SOM hires economists. The school should, of course, and there was a good prospect that SOM and the department could have useful joint appointments. We did have some, e.g., Paul McAvoy and Stephen Ross, but I have the feeling that in general joint appointments were not as successful as they could have been. Sidney Winter, who was primarily a department appointment, was also very suitable for an appointment at SOM and doing some teaching there. He wasn’t happy with his relationship with the school so we lost him a few years ago. I thought then and think now that there are some missed joint opportunities. The department would get a person who could add to the general intellectual climate of economics with only one-half a slot instead of a full slot. There are a number of areas that would make sense to be joint such as financial economics, industrial organization, regulation of business, any number of things like that that can be useful for collaboration in research and in teaching. But it doesn’t seem that we’ve been able to devise the ad hoc or systematic relationships to do that. It could also help to bring applied people into the department, which we need in several traditional areas of economics. We should have coverage in all the main areas. The school also has higher salaries for economists. The same economics Ph.D. would get more money being at the school than here. There’s just something about being a school of business instead of a department of economics. But I think we’ve gotten used to the fact that there’s a school up there, and they have bigger offices and plusher carpets and so on.

I’m also disappointed that the school has abandoned its original dedication to being not just a school of business but being a school of management including public management (employment in the public sector, government jobs as well as private business jobs, and so on). And now they have abandoned that ambition even in the title of the degree they offer. They used to offer MPPM, Master of Public and Private Management, now they offer just an ordinary MBA. So they have pretty much abandoned the notion that they were going to be different from other business schools in the sense of worrying about management in general and management in the public sector as well as the private sector. I think that’s regrettable, and I also think it makes more difficult the kind of association with this department that there could be.

One thing that the department needs, in my opinion, that the university needs, is some kind of center of policy research, some group of people or organization that could concern itself with public policy, public economic policy in particular, but it wouldn’t need to be confined to that. Most of our rival institutions do have such an institution. There’s the Woodrow Wilson School at Princeton, Kennedy School at Harvard, Center for Economic Policy at Stanford, and so on. But we don’t have anything like that, and, as I said earlier, we are missing that. We do have a great collection of theorists here; we have the most powerful collection of econometric methodologists and a lot of what our students do is the technical stuff, formal theory, etc. They do not have enough, at least to my taste, interest in what’s going on in the world. We’re unlike our rival institutions (Berkeley, Stanford, Harvard, Princeton) in this respect, and I think we should try to do something about that. We have joint majors between economics and political science, economics and ethics, and so on that are very popular with undergraduates. We don’t have anything parallel to that at the graduate level. It would be natural to do that. There are people here who are individually quite involved in this – YCIAS is the closest thing we have to that, and it’s very important. It has made a very big difference to have that. But there should be a center that is broader than that to include things besides development and international economics.

One thing I’ve observed over the years of being an academic and a faculty member of one institution for a long, long time is, to put it in the extreme, that there are two kinds of faculty members. There are those who are by nature, by instinct, by inclination, and by sense of responsibility, what you might call institutionalists who have adopted Yale as an institution that they identify themselves with and regard as a very important part of their lives and their obligations. They do the best they can for this institution – for Yale and for the economics department within Yale. And then there are professors who are very much more individually motivated and who are ready to leave at the drop of a better offer somewhere else. They have no particular identification with this place except as it is the best thing from their individual point of view, and they don’t feel the same sense of dedication and responsibility to the institutions within Yale as a whole. This department was built up by people who were of the former type like John Perry Miller and Lloyd Reynolds, and it’s been kept going by people like that: Bill Nordhaus, for example; and Gus Ranis, Bill Brainard, Joe Peck, and Bill Parker. These are people who really see themselves as wanting to be identified with the institution and to do what makes the institution better. That’s what keeps things going. And it’s not just faculty but assistants and secretaries and administrators who have kept the institution thriving and take pride in it. Yale and the department have been fortunate in having so many dedicated institutionalists.

One final thing – the whole academic enterprise didn’t do very well on minorities and women in academic jobs. We tried to do better, and I considered that to have been an important part of my job when I was chairman. On women, the university did very badly. There was this fear of nepotism, that one must avoid having both husband and wife appointed. The situation with Nancy Ruggles was a shame, because she was someone who had all of the necessary qualifications to be a professor, should have been, and would be under present circumstances. It was an unfortunate idea of people in that generation that there was something corrupt about having two members of the same family together. We’ve done better on minorities than we have on women. But both are still unfinished business – it was priority business twenty years ago and it’s priority business now.

William Parker

I came to Yale at the same time Joe Peck did, 1962. We had both been in Washington. I had been teaching at North Carolina but was on leave in Washington. Joe was there working for William McNamara, Secretary of Defense. I was at Brookings doing research. We both got jobs at Yale and both asked for another year off before coming, which John Miller accepted readily. It was annoying to realize that Yale would rather save the year’s salary than have our services. The department had just moved out of Strathcona Hall in the tower. Both Lloyd Reynolds and John Miller had had their offices there. The department moved to Hillhouse Ave. Joe and I, however, were given offices that were being vacated in Strathcona, so the whole rest of the department was on Hillhouse except for Joe and me. We had lunch together every day. One day Joe looked at me and said, “I thought it was going to be a big deal teaching at Yale. This is like teaching at Denison or some little college. I just see you and have lunch and that’s it.” We did finally get offices on Hillhouse too. When Joe became chair, he gave me that big office that Bill Nordhaus has in 28 Hillhouse; I was glad to be Joe’s friend.

I became DGS around 1970, and was DGS off and on for about 10 years. This was the time of Vietnam and there was a notable alteration in the attitude of the graduate students then – they were raising hell. I enjoyed that. It brought out a radical streak in me that I didn’t realize I had. There were radicals of all different flavors – Maoists, a few old time socialists, German-type Marxist/socialists, environmental people. (Two or three good dissertations on the environment were produced. I especially remember Jim Tober’s on wildlife in the 19th century and Hamilton Helmer’s on economic development in Vermont. But I shouldn’t mention any specific names because there were so many that were so wonderful and on all sorts of different subjects!) Then there were really just plain radicals who didn’t know what they were for, but whatever it was we (i.e., the department) were giving them, they didn’t want it. One of the most vigorous of the radicals was Ross Thompson (now chair at University of Vermont). I remember the first night of the term when Gus Ranis had a reception at his house for the new graduate students. Tobin was there (and everyone had enormous respect for him even before he won his Nobel Prize). I looked over and saw Thompson giving Tobin hell (no one ever does that), saying things like, “Old Keynesian stuff is for the birds.” Tobin assumed a shocked look, as your mother might do, but didn’t say anything. Tobin’s wife came up to me and said, “Do you hear what that young man is saying to Jim? He ought to be ashamed of himself!”

Heidi Cochran, who has become a leading feminist economist, also came to me, almost in tears, and demanded that the department fire Willy Fellner, a conservative European, who insisted on teaching the required micro course. I pointed out to her that this would be hard to do in as much as he was the President of the American Economic Association. But she said that didn’t make any difference. He was about to retire, but she looked at our keeping him as an example of male bonding. I couldn’t dispute that.

Then a dozen of the students wanted a specific course in Marx and Marxism, and they weren’t getting it. They came to me with their request and I said, “Why not? It’s a good field.” The problem was the students didn’t trust anyone to teach the course. The students had a good course worked out, and I agreed to come in and sign forms so the students could get credit. I went to their lectures as DGS, but I finally began to raise doubts and questions in class about things they were saying. (They attacked Malthus, who was a great idol of mine.) One day one of the students came to my office and told me that the students didn’t want me in there anymore; they just wanted to have someone who was sympathetic to them. I said, “You’ll have trouble getting a grade without an instructor, but it’s a waste of time for me to come if you don’t want to listen.” They kept on with the course and when the end of the term came, I gave everyone a B and they were all satisfied.

Finally, one of their number, David Levine, assumed leadership. David was a tough-minded Marxist and thought deeply, after the fashion of a German philosopher. Ray Powell, as chairman, hired three men: Joe Stiglitz, Bill Nordhaus from MIT, and Al Klevorick from (I believe) Princeton. Levine, despite a (magisterial) book called A Reformulation of Economic Theory, was appointed for several years, but never promoted. That was the department’s notion of filling the need in “radical economics.”

I almost got Rick Levin into economic history, but industrial organization was also strong with Peck and Nelson. Rick got interested in technology and ended up going in that direction. Organizations, indeed, have become his métier.

It was almost always a problem to keep economic history in the curriculum. The policy people didn’t think that history was worth anything, and the econometricians thought it wasn’t scientific. The people who supported it were Gus Ranis and the Growth Center faculty (bless their hearts), Fei, Schultz, Evenson, and Srinivasan. Also, surprisingly, the mathematicians as such, i.e., the mathematical theorists, Koopmans, Scarf and Bewley believed in its importance. Their stuff wasn’t useful either, and they had more sympathy for a purely academic pursuit. The “old Europeans,” Koopmans, Triffin, Fellner, and Wallich, and also Montias were friendly and supportive. I was able to keep the program a required field partly by being willing to be DGS. I kept accepting the job every couple of years when it came up because no one else wanted it, and if they put history out, I’d go with it. I was the only senior appointment, but I had a series of excellent assistant professors who never got promoted. Originally the idea was that there would be a joint economic history program in the history and economics departments. This was John Miller’s idea when he was dean. He was very favorable to economic history and wanted a person in economics and a person in history. When I came to Yale, they made an offer to David Landes, who went to Harvard finally. I preferred to be in economics because that’s what my degree was in, and I didn’t see the point of being in two departments. It was hard enough to keep up with the politics of one department. I was on the dissertation committee of a couple of very good history graduate students.

I could tell lots more stories about the students and faculty. I really felt very fond of the students, especially the fifty or so who wrote their theses under me. The better they were, the less they needed me; and they were all (nearly) so good!

 

Merton J. Peck

I was first appointed chair in the summer of 1968, but served for just a few months before going to Washington to work for President Johnson. Tobin was chair while I was in Washington. I returned from Washington in 1969, and served as chair for a total of about ten years (from 1969 to 1973 and again from 1978 to 1983).

In 1969-70, early in my chairmanship, the department was able to persuade John Meyer, who was a professor at Harvard, to join us. That was considered a great coup because few Harvard professors resigned to come to Yale. Meyer had been a friend of mine from graduate school, and we actually wrote our first book together. He filled a void here in the newly emerging field of urban economics. He was originally an econometrician. He was also president of the National Bureau of Economic Research, which was then located in New York. Meyer established a branch office of NBER in New Haven. Meyer, however, eventually returned to Harvard. The second big appointment that was made in the first year of my chairmanship was Richard Nelson, who was then at Rand, and, coincidentally, I’d also written a book with him.

Another thing that was distinctive about the department in the first years of my chairmanship was the high ranking in various surveys of the Yale Economics Department. Yale was tied with MIT, ahead of Harvard. This reflected, in part, the fact that the Harvard faculty were growing older and retiring. It also reflected the fact that during that period both Koopmans and Tobin were awarded Nobel Prizes. In addition, Ray Powell, my predecessor, had hired eight or nine very able assistant professors. In this group were people who later became important in the department and the profession – Bill Nordhaus and Al Klevorick (both still at Yale), Marty Weitzman (who left first for MIT and then for Harvard), and Joe Stiglitz (who left us for every place including Stanford, Oxford, Princeton, Chair of Council of Economic Advisors in the Clinton Administration, and now Chief Economist of the World Bank). So it was both the two impressive older people, Koopmans and Tobin, plus these younger people who made the department a lively and exciting place for both graduate and undergraduate students. That was all early in my chairmanship. After that we began to slip a little, partly because we got older and partly, of course, because Koopmans retired. Tobin retired later, but after that we didn’t have quite as visible a senior faculty.

The other problem here was that the department in the mid-seventies began to decline steadily in numbers. The high point was 1973/74 with about 63 faculty; by 1988/89 we were down to 40. The size reduction was the result of slow growth in the endowment and in giving in the seventies. The department had also been very much dependent on NSF, which financed almost one-half the salaries. We also had big Ford grants to both the Economic Growth Center and to Cowles. I remember showing the Provost that, given the overhead we could charge, the university actually made money by hiring more assistant professors. But that era collapsed because the Ford Foundation switched its attention to other areas: urban problems; public schools; arts, and the NSF sharply cut back its spending on economics. The contraction was not as traumatic as it was in some other parts of Yale because we decided not to change the terms of employment for any of the existing faculty, tenured or non-tenured. Instead, we stopped hiring. However, that meant we lost the kind of particular thrust you get from bringing in two or three young people every year. There were a couple of years when the department didn’t hire anyone. People left and weren’t replaced – that’s how the number was lowered.

Another issue that began to surface was the relationship among Cowles, the Growth Center, the department and the Institution for Social and Policy Studies, which had been established in the early seventies with an endowment from the Beinecke family. There were different issues for each of these organizations. ISPS was very dependent on short-term soft money, which became progressively more difficult to obtain. In the case of Cowles and the Growth Center, as the outside money disappeared, faculty there became, in terms of their employment, less distinguishable from the rest of the assistant professors who, in those days, were called departmental appointments. The distinction between Cowles and EGC began to blur in terms of employment conditions and financing, and the distinction between the kind of people Cowles would hire and the rest of the faculty began to disappear. When I first came here, people in Cowles were people who knew mathematics. However, by the early 1980s, every younger economist knew the mathematics that distinguished the Cowles group in an earlier era. So it became unclear who was to be in Cowles and who wasn’t. Cowles, because of Tobin, Koopmans, and others, had great prestige. Everyone wanted to be in Cowles, and Cowles members worried about what it would mean to be a Cowles member if Cowles lost its elite status. This issue was finally resolved during Rick Levin’s chairmanship by essentially saying that anyone in the department could be a member of Cowles if they applied. There had been various perks that were associated with being at Cowles, and these tended to disappear (in part because outside financing disappeared). Cowles had had a Wednesday lunch, which fairly rapidly became a departmental lunch, but financed by Cowles! I think that the change was probably the right thing to do, but it made Cowles members restive because they felt rightly that they were losing their distinctiveness.

During my chairmanship, we lost our star econometrician, Nerlove, to Chicago, and we had trouble replacing him. This hurt us because many younger faculty wanted to go to a place where they could get help with econometrics. The problem was solved in the Brainard era with the arrival of Peter Phillips.

Throughout the period we remained very strong in attracting graduate students, and we were rather consistently either the third or fourth biggest major in Yale College. There was always a substantial number of undergraduates who were very good. Yale encourages its undergraduates to get graduate training elsewhere. Also, by the time most undergraduates have spent four years in New Haven, they would much rather move to Boston, Palo Alto, or Berkeley. The number of undergraduate economics majors, however, who go on to graduate study in economics has been consistently low. About one-fourth of economics majors go to law school, one-fourth to business school, one-fourth to some other kind of graduate school (of whom 5% get a Ph.D. in economics), and one-fourth essentially have a career without any additional professional training. One thing that has changed is that many more students work for a couple of years before going on to law school or business school. That’s partly because they’re in debt and partly because they’re counseled not to go to law school or business school until they have some professional experience.

Among our Ph.D. students, we’ve had quite a diversity in what they pursue. There has always been something like 30-40% who have taken non-academic positions. Favorite employers are the federal government, the Federal Reserve System, and international organizations. The remainder pursue an academic career. However, people do bounce around a bit – they may work at the New York Federal Reserve Bank for a couple of years and then take a teaching position at NYU.

One thing that has happened, beginning more in Brainard’s chairmanship, is a shift in where our graduate students come from. Originally, John Miller, DGS in the post-war period, had the theory that the best way to attract good graduate students was to focus on small, liberal arts colleges such as Oberlin, Swarthmore, Williams, Wesleyan, and Amherst, and then go there and don’t take the best student (he or she will go to Harvard or MIT anyway), but take the second or third best. It’s likely that the second or third best will turn out to be as good as the first best. Miller was a very successful recruiter in that period – Gus Ranis was recruited from Brandeis and Dick Nelson and Bill Brainard from Oberlin. What happened then was that the slowdown in academic hiring caused students at these schools (particularly the best students) to shift their interest to going to law school or business school. At the same time, we got an increasing number of applications from abroad so that the typical entering class today is only 10-20% from the U.S. Many of the foreign students prefer to stay in the U.S. when they finish because the U.S. treats young people much better than they are treated in Europe in terms of allowing them to work and giving them research opportunities. Many students, therefore, like to stay until they have gotten some international recognition and can then go home in glory. Japan is unusual in that, by statute, you cannot be a full professor until you are 38; so you might as well stay here and get better pay. Many other countries are similar in that younger people are not promoted very rapidly.

Another problem we have in attracting graduate students is that Yale (and this is sometimes said as a compliment and sometimes said pejoratively) has a reputation as a high tech department. We use extensive mathematics; we emphasize econometrics and theory. Because in many places American undergraduate education in economics is much more like writing a senior essay on the debate about tariffs, some American students are more inclined to want to go to a department where applied fields are better represented.

Through much of my chairmanship we almost never had a person who stayed nine years before he or she was then considered for tenure. The reason was that people were hired away in their seventh or eighth year. They would get an offer and then we’d either have to say you’re lucky or we’ll have to match that offer. It was much easier to deal with individuals because we didn’t face the uncomfortableness of trying to decide whether someone should be promoted. It was an infinitely better way to have things happen. In some cases, for example Marty Weitzman, we couldn’t hold him. Then there was the period, toward the end of my chairmanship, when the market slowed down, and we actually had people here in the ninth year who had to be considered for tenure (and in many cases not given tenure). During this period Paul Schultz came, and Bill Nordhaus, Ray Fair, and Al Klevorick were promoted. But several people left too — Joe Stiglitz, John Meyer. This was normal turnover and wouldn’t have been a problem except for the fact that we weren’t hiring. That affected mostly the assistant professor ranks. We did not replace two full professors for budgetary reasons, but we generally tried to keep full professor vacancies even though by keeping them it cost us two assistant professorships.

In the latter part of my chairmanship, the creation of SOM had an impact on the department. SOM hired economists, and in the initial group of appointments were quite a few distinguished people who came in at the full professor level. These people wouldn’t come unless they were also given an appointment in the Economics Department. Different arrangements were made in different cases: for some we paid a little bit of the salary; for others we let SOM pay the entire salary, but the faculty member taught here. Several quite noted people left during what I call “the time of troubles” at SOM This had an impact on the department because we lost five full professors. These faculty members had varied in the degree to which they were active in the department. They generally did not do any undergraduate teaching. Shiller started out at SOM and then came to the department. MacAvoy came down to the department and then went off to Rochester to be Dean. He then came back to Yale to be Dean of SOM. Sharon Oster, who was an excellent teacher, became a professor at SOM. Susan Rose-Ackerman, who had started a career in economics, ended up in political science. Ed Lindblom also started a career in economics and ended up in political science.

Kingman Brewster, who had started SOM, wanted it to be integrated into the Faculty of Arts and Sciences. His model was that most of the faculty would hold joint appointments. This gradually tended to break down a bit because the department got a little nervous – we didn’t want to be outvoted in our own home. Also, SOM people generally wanted to do graduate teaching, and that’s what our own faculty liked to do best. The relationship between the department and SOM was never reestablished after “the time of troubles.”

I had come to Yale in 1963, which is when Bill Parker and Herb Scarf came. The Parker appointment was significant because he was able to develop a tradition of strong graduate students outside of Cowles or the Growth Center. He turned out a succession of economic historians who went to Stanford, Northwestern, Berkeley and so on. John Miller was always trying to give support to the idea that there must be a “third force” that would offset Cowles and EGC. That was probably one of the ideas behind the creation of ISPS.

The Yale Economics Department is probably more integrated socially than some of our rivals. I can point particularly to Columbia and Harvard, where many of the faculty live in the suburbs, work at home, and come in the three days a week that they teach. That gives a different air to the place than when people are constantly having coffee with one another. New Haven is a small town, and everyone has a short commute by New York standards. This social integration has declined somewhat over the years in part because there is hardly any faculty spouse who does not work.

The department has had a tradition of trying to pay attention to undergraduates. I’m not sure now that we’re much different from our rivals, but when I came here that was always a strong point. Economics is not an easy major because all students have to take theory and econometrics, which are very demanding courses. The number of economics majors over the last five years has doubled – from 100 to 200 – and we’ve gone from third or fourth to being the largest major. That irritates people in history and English, which were always the traditional big majors. There has been at Yale, in the last five years, a shift away from the humanities and to the social sciences and sciences. And within the social sciences, there has been a shift away from anthropology, sociology, and psychology to political science and economics.

All of our undergraduates are required to take two seminars. It used to be that these seminars were given by ladder faculty. However, we moved, under Rick Levin, from teaching four courses a year (two each semester) to teaching three courses, which was the standard introduced by Princeton. When we made that change, there weren’t enough ladder faculty for the seminars. Currently one-half of the seminars are given by outside faculty – two Trinity professors, someone from Epidemiology and Public Health, and a lecturer from radiology who started studying economics and says he loves it (he comes and teaches the seminar for free). The outsiders do a good job because they have one-year appointments, and if their teaching evaluations aren’t good, they’re not renewed. Even so, students say, rightfully, that Yale students are entitled to be taught by Yale professors. That is a tension that comes about, and we see the solution as expanding the Economics Department. This is an on-going controversy since while the number of undergraduate majors has doubled, the size of the department has not changed.

The number of graduate students in the department has actually declined. When the Clinton Administration was new, it reduced federal hiring, with the result that a lot of economists were dumped into the academic market. This made it hard for our students to get jobs. So, with a slack demand, we cut back from 30 new doctoral students per year to 25, and then to 22. Ironically, our graduate students are now in great demand because there is a shortage of economists.

When I first started at Yale, the department was in the process of moving from Strathcona to the buildings on Hillhouse. In the period of my first chairmanship, the move was completed and we took over 28 Hillhouse (which had been occupied by Far Eastern Languages). Before that time, the department had just had Cowles, EGC, and 37 Hillhouse. Taking over 28 was crucial to being able to have the entire department on Hillhouse. The buildings underwent some renovation at that time, but it was under Bill Brainard’s chairmanship that we began to get things in shape. Bill was very good in dealing with the physical facilities; he was probably the best chair for that. Under him, the basement at 37 was turned into a computer room and the Tobin Lounge was built. Bill had pushed hard for the lounge even though several people, myself included, argued that we didn’t need such a luxury and that we should use the money for fellowships in Tobin’s honor instead. But Bill was right; the lounge has proved to be an important addition to the physical space of the department.

When I was chair, particularly in my first term, it was a remarkably easy job. This was due, in part, to the fact that Fellner, Reynolds, and Tobin had a very balanced view about appointments and the department. I would go and see them, and then when there was a department meeting, once they spoke, everybody tended to fall into line – not out of terror but because they understood that when Jim spoke, he wasn’t speaking for Cowles but for the department as a whole. The same was true for Fellner and Reynolds. I also know that if all three of them said that something was a dumb idea, then it really was a dumb idea. As those three became less active and then retired, the department became more individualistic, which made things a little harder. There wasn’t really anyone who could step in to take over their roles. Both Brainard and Levin were regarded as being wise, but they didn’t have quite the academic stature or long service that was true of the others.

I did enjoy being chair, but I had what now seems to have been the easy years. It was a less demanding job then in part because the DGS took care of graduate students and the DUS took care of the undergraduates; the chair dealt mostly with the administration and faculty. I could teach two courses, consult and write. Beginning in Levin’s period, and particularly in Brainard’s period, the chair’s duties expanded, and it became a full-time job.

 

Richard Levin

I served as chair during the late 80s and early 90s, a time of resurgence as described by Lloyd Reynolds in his departmental history. Looking backward, some of the appointments made in the middle and later 1980s turned out to be extremely important for the long-term future of the department – the promotion of John Geanakopolos, bringing in Ariel Pakes, and moving up Don Andrews and David Pierce. A lot of the future leadership of the department was brought in in that era, both before my time and during my time as chair.

Of course, there were some disappointments as well. James Heckman, mentioned by Reynolds as one of the bright lights in this resurgence, ended up returning to the University of Chicago. I think Heckman left because he had the University of Chicago mode of operation in his soul and never completely adjusted to Yale. He is a superb economist. It’s not surprising that he went back to Chicago, but it was disappointing because he would have helped to build the empirical, applied side of the department. But that’s happening anyway under Ariel’s leadership. Ariel, along with Steve Berry and the current crop of junior people who do applied work, have brought empirical economics to as strong a position as it has had at Yale for a long time. The department still has a strong core of theory, and in theoretical econometrics it is clearly the best in the world. Recent senior appointments and the quality of the junior faculty both augur very well for the future. The department is better now than it was a decade ago.

The signal achievement of my first year as chair was a consequence of efforts initiated by Don Brown, who was chair before me, and Al Klevorick, director of Cowles. The achievement was solving the long-standing awkwardness of having within the department a research institution with independent appointment powers. The department had been hampered in some respects by the Cowles Foundation’s having independent power to make appointments to the research center. There were often junior faculty whom the department would seek to recruit, vote an offer to, and then recruitment would founder if the person could not get a Cowles appointment. There were positives and negatives to the situation. It gave Cowles, at least in the early years, a sharper identity as an institution with a distinctive research program; it did once have a mission to incorporate mathematics into the study of economics in a rigorous way. The mission succeeded so thoroughly that by the 1970s there were no more worlds to conquer. Indeed by the 1970s, Cowles ceased to have a coherent research program and was simply a collection of outstanding economists pursuing their own research agendas. A Cowles appointment from the early 1970s onward was more a certification of quality or excellence than it was a statement of whether the person fit into the research program of the foundation. This created a dual class of citizenship, and while it made it possible to recruit excellent people to Cowles, it also made it more difficult to recruit excellent people to the department as a whole. The issue was brought to a head by Don Brown’s courageous leadership; he took the issue head on in his own characteristic forthright way and got many people hopping mad. I have never hesitated to give Don credit because he put the issue out there and set it up so that I could solve it with a somewhat less confrontational approach. Immediately upon becoming chair, Al Klevorick and I worked out an essentially smooth and easy transition to a new regime that allowed any member of the department to elect to join Cowles in return for some commitment to participate in the activities of the foundation. It has been a net positive change in that it strengthened the ability of the department to recruit excellent junior faculty across the board. There have been several internal promotions to tenure over the past few years both inside and outside of Cowles. It does make it more difficult, this is on the downside, for Cowles to develop a distinctive identity as a group of researchers pursuing a common agenda. However, having said that for Cowles as a whole, it hasn’t prevented, for example, the emergence of a very strong econometrics research group that does have a pretty clear research program. Phillips, Andrews, and Linton are pursuing a common agenda with enormous success. There is less coherence in the theoretical work being pursued by the economic theorists at Cowles, but the current leadership is trying very hard to use Cowles more as a national center for conferences on important and current topics in research. I am hopeful that the next few years will restore Cowles’ prominence and visibility in the profession.

The fact that the department is housed in four separate buildings has caused some problems, though not of a serious nature. Historically, communication has waxed and waned across the different areas in the department. The faculty do come together regularly for meetings. There is a high level of civility and mutual respect – not like many departments that are riven with deep antagonisms. People like one another and that has been the case since I joined the department in 1970. Patterns of interactions, however, tend to be focused more within the buildings than between them. So it has always been something of a limitation that the department is in separate facilities. This got better, especially the interaction between 28 and 30, when the Cowles situation was changed. Even before the Tobin Lounge was built, things had improved. Don Brown and Bill Brainard led the way by making it clear that people from Cowles could and should locate in 28.

During my tenure as chair and, before that, as DGS, I saw eight graduate student cohorts. It was not an especially strong time for Yale in attracting graduate students compared to the 60s and early 70s when we were regarded as being one of the top two or three graduate programs in the country. We did get excellent graduate students in several of the fields where we had traditional strength. For example, we attracted outstanding prospective econometricians, but in other fields we had slipped in appeal to graduate students relative to four or five other schools. It’s hard to say what caused this. The department was perceived as not having as much strength in the younger tenured ranks as some of the competitors, and that was a problem. That’s been much altered in the last decade. In the last few years, Yale students have done quite well on the job market, which is either an indication that the students are getting better training or that the department is getting better inputs. I suspect both are true to some extent. The department’s reputation will continue to improve in the coming years because of the combination of strong junior faculty and a much more visible representation of younger tenured faculty.

The job market for graduate students in the late 80s and early 90s was not the best it had ever been, but it was also not the worst. Yale students have always gotten pretty good jobs. What was a little light during those years was the number of people going to the absolute top departments in the country, somewhat fewer than it had been in the 70s. However, we didn’t have the problem that a lot of the humanities departments had, i.e., failure to place students. Throughout the whole period the department has had some wonderful graduate students, many of whom have gone on to great, successful careers. There is really no period from which one could not draw an outstanding all-star team. I have personally gotten great pleasure out of seeing so many of my own students move on to outstanding careers, and I served on something like 62 dissertation committees in my 19 years on the faculty.

One thing often not noticed when one thinks about the department and its position relative to other departments is the extraordinary quality of our undergraduate alumni. I have had at least as many, if not more, senior essay students who have ended up as outstanding economists in positions in major departments as I have had graduate students. Typically these students do their undergraduate work at Yale and then go on to MIT or Harvard, occasionally to other places. The department has had a fairly rigorous approach to undergraduate education in economics. I hope that’s still true, but I have noticed numbers increasing, which is worrisome. It was true in the 70s and 80s that enrollments in some competing institutions for undergraduate economics majors were much larger than at Yale, but that was at the expense of rigor in the programs. Economics was often an “easy” major even at some of the more illustrious competing institutions. At Yale, the department has always insisted on using mathematics liberally in undergraduate courses. We have assumed that students had mastery of calculus and could handle multivariate calculus in their courses and linear algebra in econometrics courses. That makes a big difference because it puts meat into the undergraduate program. Don Brown and I were both absolutely rigorous in our insistence that faculty teach undergraduates. There were one or two historically grand fathered exceptions to that rule, but essentially faculty were not allowed to escape their obligation to teach undergraduates. In truth it’s a pleasure to teach Yale College students so most faculty accept the responsibility quite willingly. Occasionally it is an issue in faculty recruiting since other departments are often more permissive in giving less onerous teaching loads to faculty and sometimes specifically offer exemption from undergraduate teaching as though that were a burden and not one of the pleasures of the job. Yale approached that very differently (at least under Brown and myself) and said that one of the best things about being at Yale was the opportunity to teach Yale College students. The burden is shared fairly, and everyone participates. The department occasionally loses people because of the teaching load, but very rarely.

Another development that has had an impact on faculty recruiting is the issue of academic superstars and the wage competition that has resulted. Yale has been slow to adapt to the change in regime. This makes some colleagues impatient but Yale, like Harvard, has always had a somewhat more egalitarian pay structure among senior faculty – not strictly egalitarian, but less skewed than a lot of other places. At the higher end, we do now have something of a competitive problem in economics that does need to be addressed. Yale won’t go to extraordinary levels of compensation, i.e., 75% higher than an average full professor. The university’s standards for tenure are so high that everyone here is a star and would be almost anywhere else. The fact that most faculty could command very high salaries at other institutions can’t guide us excessively. We just have to be sure we don’t get in a position in which institutions of comparable quality are outbidding us. We are holding our own in most other disciplines. Economics is more skewed than even engineering or computer science, and that’s surprising.

Finally, I’d like to add that any department history ought to give appropriate recognition to the remarkable longevity and devotion of some staff. In my years, Mary Doody, Eleanor van Buren, and Cornelia Awdziewicz retired after long tenure and tremendous service to the department. Eleanor assisted the DGS from before the time I was admitted as a graduate student to the beginning of my chairmanship. She was a great friend of so many students – more than an administrative helper but a personal counselor and source of real humanity for so many people. Cornelia was the undergraduate registrar for many, many years. Mary kept the place running extremely efficiently for at least 15 years. All three were terrific people. Having to replace both Eleanor and Mary was an important event in my tenure as chair. We did it in a somewhat unconventional way with a mother-daughter team, Lorraine and Pam O’Donnell.

 

William Brainard

I came to Yale as a student in 1957 (the same year as T.N. Srinivasan). I finished my degree in the fall of 1962 and was appointed assistant professor for the 1962-63 academic year. I had finished my degree just in time to get a retroactive appointment to July 1 and just about the same day my middle son was born. I’ve been on the faculty since then; my perception of what goes on in the department has gradually changed, partly I suppose simply from the passage of time, and partly as a result of passing through the ranks.

In my early days, there was a much stronger identification of faculty with the research centers. Most junior faculty were affiliated either with Cowles or the Growth Center. Cowles had formal control over some senior slots and at that time took a strong interest in junior appointments if they had to do with micro or macro theory, mathematical economics or econometrics. The Growth Center brought in a large number of junior faculty in connection with the country studies program. Although there was a departmental seminar where faculty presented their research or discussed current economic issues (Ruggles and Wallich, for example, had a friendly debate on the costs of inflation), much of the intellectual life of the department was concentrated in the research centers. My closest colleagues were other junior faculty members at Cowles; Cowles coffee did lead to quite a bit of informal contact with senior faculty.

In the late 60s, things were quite wild in the university at large. The Vietnam War and its political and social consequences dominated discussion within the university, with heated faculty meetings (too large for Connecticut Hall), boycotts of classes, teach-ins. The national skepticism about authority and the establishment was amplified on the campuses. We had a “town meeting” on the appropriateness of ROTC in the university (with an incredible tied vote of the more than 2,000 participants. Robert Dahl, chairman of the meeting, and Martin Shubik, one of the many tellers, assert to this day that it really was a tie and not simply a graceful way of ending a contentious meeting with roughly evenly divided participants). Faculty and students were focused not only on Vietnam, but also on civil rights, poverty and the environment.

In the department the same mood led to changes in the department’s appointments process. Before then, for junior faculty, and I suspect many senior faculty, the process was mysterious. I don’t know exactly how my appointment was made, but I’m sure there were no junior faculty members involved. I had been told that Yale never hired its own and that I should accept one of the other offers I had. I had deadlines for these offers and was ready to accept one of them when I got the offer from Yale at the last minute. The rumor was that Arthur Okun had called Richard Ruggles the Saturday before I had to decide and asked what this rule was anyway. On Monday I got an offer. My recollection is that Bill Nordhaus and Ted Truman, who were then junior faculty, led the drive for reform. Finding that the corporate bylaws allowed faculty to vote on appointments to their own rank or lower, they got agreement from the senior faculty to open meetings on junior appointments to all members of the faculty. While complicating the process, this was undoubtably a healthy change. It led to the much more formal and orderly process that we have today, and maybe even to better appointments! It also meant that junior faculty became much more aware of what was going on in the department than they had been when I first arrived. In the early days following the reform, there were some rather heated and raucous meetings, not only because there were more people making decisions, but also because issues of ideology and a bit of counterculture were sometimes involved. Many students, and some faculty, questioned the usefulness of economic theory and econometrics, the emphasis on efficiency rather than equity, on competition, rather than on power. During that period, we devoted a class in micro theory to a discussion of the relevance of theory. We did lose some students because of disillusionment with the value of an economics education and because of a personal questioning of the appropriateness of being in graduate school with so many pressing social needs outside.

The Bobby Seale trial was held in New Haven and the city was the site for a national rally protesting the trial. There was enormous turmoil. Brewster handled the situation gracefully, establishing a positive, welcoming stance and avoiding confrontation. He got the National Guard to agree to stay outside of town unless there was severe disorder. There was a lot of anxiety about violence, and, in fact, there had been some – the front of Ingalls Rink was blown out. It’s hard to believe in retrospect, but the younger faculty at Cowles thought we should have someone “standing guard” in 30 Hillhouse the night prior to the big march. We chose shifts, and Dave Cass and I had the graveyard shift. We sat in the seminar room, now the library, chatting, doing puzzles, etc. What we would have done if anyone had ever tried to do anything beats me.

The department has a tradition of civility, which stood it in good stead during this period. There was a great deal of collegiality and mutual respect even though there were very wide divergences of views about the issues. Ray Powell, whose office I now occupy, will always be a model; he was person of high principle who practiced what he believed. He had strong personal views, but great respect for the views and rights of others. He was one of the faculty who taught classes on schedule during a boycott, but also gave a complete second series for students who had boycotted. William Fellner was the epitome of the civility and graciousness of the faculty. For individuals like Fellner and Wallich, who had lived through the European experience, or had fled Europe, it was reminiscent of the breakdown of order and the license of extremes, and was enormously distressing. For younger faculty like myself, things were easier. We didn’t feel threatened and didn’t feel that our world was coming apart. It is remarkable how well Yale and the Economics Department came through that period; at other places there was great tension and bitterness.

There was tension with respect to some appointments and promotions involving “radicals.” Tobin and Powell were always determined to be fair, and there were painful reviews of individuals who most thought did not merit promotion, but where there was a question of whether the person was not highly regarded simply because of his beliefs. It made for quite interesting faculty meetings. There was also more discussion of the curriculum. Most faculty had a pretty clear idea of what was important to teach in graduate courses, but they had to do more defending and explaining why to students than either before or since. I don’t think there were any permanent changes, but there were some new courses responding to the felt needs of students. Bill Parker has described his involvement in one such course. There was also great interest in the environment, the role of government, education, poverty, etc. Dick Cooper, Peter Mieskowski and I taught a course on public goods and externalities, which attracted over thirty graduate students. Such a course would be lucky to get 4 or 5 students today. We had an informal seminar on Yale’s role in New Haven and on poverty and the environment. And there were a number of interdisciplinary courses involving faculty and students from a wide variety of departments. Much of this was good, but one did not need to be much of a cynic to predict that these were transitory interests, and that the excitement would not last very long.

The role of the department in the curriculum has changed over time, but probably not primarily in response to the politics of the 60s. Even before then there was more departmental involvement in the design of the basic courses than there is today. For example, at a departmental meeting where various undergraduate matters were discussed, the faculty teaching introductory courses (now Econ. 110, 111, 115, 116) would present and discuss their proposed course outline, reading list and text. It was always interesting to see whether the faculty member in charge of sections recommended Samuelson or Reynolds. Although most of the comments and suggestions from other faculty were minor, there was no question that the department regarded the basic courses as its responsibility, not individual faculty’s property.

There was some tension over this issue during the 60s. A junior faculty member teaching the intro course decided to make it essentially an anti-classical economics course. Art Okun’s oldest son was here as an undergraduate, and Okun was appalled at what he heard about the course. So Tobin talked to the instructor. I believe he said the instructor had a responsibility to teach the core economics material – if only so the students would have a clear understanding of what was being beat up. If he wanted to teach a course on radical economics, he could, but it would be advertised as such. Today we may discuss whether there’s too much or too little mathematics in the basic courses, but there isn’t the same fundamental questioning of the value of the discipline. In the late 50s and early 60s, there was an informal dress code – a lot of undergraduates and faculty (and even some graduate students) wore coats and ties. I was pretty much at the low end – as a student I wore gym shoes and sweat shirts to class. When I joined the faculty I didn’t change much and I guess I was fairly notorious for my informal attire. We had a Christmas skit in which I was to dress in a tux and everyone else was to wear t-shirts, blue jeans and sneakers. I borrowed Richard Ruggles’ tux, which didn’t fit too well but had a beautiful ruffled shirt (the pants were a bit too short). In the late 60s, the dress code dramatically changed; I suddenly found myself in median attire. Gary Smith set the new standard, teaching barefoot, with holes in his dungarees and t-shirt. When I became Provost, I had to have a tux so I asked Ruggles if I could buy the one I had used in the skit. He gave it to me (no ruffled shirt though). I took the pants to Rosie the Tailor to be altered and Rosie told me he had a better pair that had belonged to John Perry Miller. So the tux I have now is indeed quite special – Ruggles’ jacket and Miller’s pants.

One of the challenges of the department is finding talented people, and holding on to them. It has gotten harder. Yale is at a disadvantage in attracting dual-career households (but Amtrak is about to solve that!). As the profession has grown, there are more universities that have first-class departments. Demand for economists in private firms and government organizations (e.g., the IMF, World Bank, Fed) has grown. Business schools have become major competitors for talent. Economics departments have both benefitted and been hurt by the discipline’s success. Salaries and job placement of graduate students have done well during a period when other academic fields have not prospered. I don’t have the numbers, but I would bet that job turnover in the profession has gone up. I think these forces have subtly changed the degree to which faculty feel bonded to the department, and in general there is less institutional bonding and loyalty than there was twenty-five years ago. The fraction of faculty who go to Yale College meetings, or are heavily involved in university affairs, is smaller than in earlier days. At the same time, I am struck by how many of our faculty, junior and senior, are wonderfully concerned about undergraduates and teaching.

There has been a big change in the graduate student population, with globalization of the program. When I was getting my degree, most students were American. Yale got very strong applicants from U.S. colleges and universities. The experience of the depression, the macro economic problems of that period and the quantitative nature of economics attracted people into the profession. Small liberal arts colleges were a major source of such students. There was a blossoming of economics as a discipline with the development of modern tools of analysis and the availability of data and computers. It was exciting to be in a discipline that was in such a state of ferment, with challenges that seemed surmountable. There was optimism about the extent to which modern tools would enhance our ability to understand the economy. The strength of the applicant pool from U.S. colleges and universities gradually faded – I’m not entirely sure why. Yale undergraduates still went on to Harvard, MIT, and Stanford, but rather than going on to do graduate work in economics, they went to law school, medical school, business school, etc. At the same time, there was growth in the pool of qualified applicants from around the world eager to come to the U.S. The U.S. undoubtably has the best graduate education going, and we dominate economics education worldwide. The growth in talented applicants from abroad has had a variety of effects on the program. Foreign applicants have different interests from the typical American undergraduate. They are less likely to be interested in social security or U.S. monetary policy and more likely to be interested in theory and econometrics. They are less likely to go into applied areas which are interesting, in part, because they concern U.S. economic issues. Among the applied fields, they are more likely to be interested in international economics or development. This has obvious implications for both the demand and supply of different kinds of courses in the department.

The profession in general has become much more specialized, and there are fewer generalists. This is a major change since the 1960s. You used to be able to attend essentially every seminar. It couldn’t possibly be done today; indeed some even take place at the same time. Although there were fewer seminars then than now, everyone tended to go. Tobin, Koopmans, Okun, Fellner, and Wallich all came to the Cowles seminar on a regular basis. Seminars on theory, econometrics, or mathematical economics were expected to be more or less understandable to the whole population. Today, seminars are more specialized and tailored more to the folks in the field. While that has its advantages, the profession is more fragmented and there is less cross-fertilization of the sub-disciplines.

The department still has the notion of a “liberal” economics education but there’s some tension about it. Students take micro, macro, econometrics, and economic history and have to write an applied econometrics paper, but there’s a lot of chafing. Students who are interested in doing theory want to know why they have to do the applied topics, and students interested in applied topics want to know why they need all that theory.

The intellectual heroes of my day were people who were driven by concerns about applied problems even if they were very good on the technical stuff. Tobin, Samuelson, Arrow all had the technical tools but never lost their interest in policy. In retrospect, it seems remarkable that Arrow and Solow both served as staff on the CEA. Koopmans, a theorist and econometrician, was always motivated by a desire to understand real world phenomena. They were not interested in abstraction or the internal logic of theory for their own sake, but as a way of advancing our understanding of economic problems. They were broad in their outlook. That generation has either died or retired, and the next generation is more specialized. I worry that specialization in the profession breeds specialization and will create greater and greater distance between abstract theorists and the economist who’s worried, for example, about poverty.

The uniqueness of the department at Yale comes in part from the presence of Cowles and the Growth Center. Our great strength in econometrics and econometric theory reflects the Cowles tradition. We are strong in development even though that’s an area that has suffered in the profession at large. We are a pretty eclectic department, with a tradition that goes back at least to my earliest days when it was evident that individuals in the department, far apart in politics, respected and listened to each other. Fellner was conservative, but Art Okun always said it was worth arguing with him; Art always took him seriously. It’s a diverse faculty, and there is pleasure in that diversity. And we still have a reputation for seminars where papers are critically examined and where a lot of constructive criticism is handed out.

 

Appendix I
YALE DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS
Past Chairmen
Past Directors of Undergraduate and Graduate Studies
1951-52 through 2012-13

 

 

Note: In addition, the following article was distributed at the reunion:

“Conversations with James Tobin and Robert Shiller on the ‘Yale Tradition’ in Macroeconomics.” Conducted by David Colander (Middlebury College), Macroeconomic Dynamics 3, 1999, 116-143.

Source:  From Yale University, Department of Economics Reunion (April 16-18, 1999). Internet Archive, Wayback Machine (August 16, 2000).  Updated table for Appendix I from copy of the Yale economics department website at Internet Archive,Wayback Machine (May 8, 2013).

Image Source: Handsome Dan the Yale bulldog. Yale Alumni Magazine Website (March/April 2017).

Categories
Chicago Columbia Cornell Economics Programs Harvard Johns Hopkins Wisconsin Yale

Graduate economics enrollments in the seven leading departments (U.S.), 1909

 

The following tabulation of enrolled graduate students in economics and sociology at Columbia University and its “six leading competitors” in 1909 is striking because of  1) the modest scale of the graduate enrollments and 2) the fact that economics and sociology are reported together (an indication of their continued academic proximity). 

Ouch:  Due diligence in avoiding posting a second copy of an archival artifact was wanting. Jan 30, 2016 was the first time I transcribed and posted this artifact.

_______________

Letter from E.R.A. Seligman to Chairman of the Trustees of Columbia University

No. 324 West 86 street,
New York, February 13, 1909

My dear Sir:

You may be interested in the enclosed statistics which have been compiled by me from answers to questions sent out to the various universities. It shows the relative position of Columbia compared to its six leading competitors, and it is a curious coincidence that the totals of Columbia on the one hand, and of the six universities together on the other, should be precisely the same.

Faithfully yours
[Stamp] Edwin R. A. Seligman

(Enclosure)

To Mr. George L. Rives,
New York City

*  * *  *  *  *

 

STUDENTS WITH DEGREES ENROLLED IN
GRADUATE COURSES, Dec. 1909

Economics

Sociology

Total of Economics and Sociology

Harvard

27

—

27

Yale

16

12

28

Cornell

10

4

14

Johns-Hopkins

12*

—

12*

Chicago

12

19

31

Wisconsin

22

4

26

Total in the 6 universities

99

39

138

 

Columbia

 

67

 

71

 

138

*including duplications.

 

Source:  Columbia University Rare Book and ManuscriptLibrary. Columbia University Archives. Central Files, 1890-. Box 338. Folder “2/5; Seligman, Edwin Robert Anderson; 7/1904-12/1910”.

Image Source:  The Library of Columbia University, New York. H.C. White Co., Publishers, 1909. Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division Washington, D.C. 20540.

 

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Berkeley Chicago Columbia Cornell Economics Programs Economists Harvard Illinois Johns Hopkins Michigan Minnesota Northwestern Ohio State Pennsylvania Princeton Stanford Toronto Wisconsin Yale

Economics Graduate Programs Ranked in 1925

 

Filed away in the archived records of the University of Chicago’s Office of the President is a copy of a report from January 1925 from Miami University (Ohio) that was based on a survey of college and university professors to obtain a rank ordering of graduate programs in different fields. The following ordering for economics graduate programs 1924-25 is based on two dozen responses. I have added institutional affiliations from the AEA membership list of the time and a few internet searches. The study was designed to have a rough balance between college and university professors and a broad geographic representation. What the study lacks in sophistication will amuse you in its presumption.

_____________________

This rating was prepared in the following way: The members of the Miami University faculty representing twenty fields of instruction were called together and a list of the universities which conceivably might be doing high grade work leading to a doctor’s degree in one or more subjects was prepared on their advice. Each professor was then requested to submit a list of from forty to sixty men who were teaching his subject in colleges and universities in this country, at least half of the names on the list to be those of professors in colleges rather than in universities. It was further agreed that the list should be fairly well distributed geographically over the United States. [p. 3]

 

ECONOMICS

Ratings submitted by: John H. Ashworth [Maine] , Lloyd V. Ballard [Beloit], Gilbert H. Barnes [Ohio Wesleyan], Clarence E. Bonnett [Tulane], John E. Brindley [Iowa State], E. J. Brown [Arizona], J. W. Crook [Amherst], Ira B. Cross [California], Edmund E. Day [Michigan], Herbert Feis [Cincinnati], Frank A. Fetter [Princeton], Eugene Gredier, Lewis H. Haney [N.Y.U.], Wilbur O. Hedrick [Michigan State], Floyd N. House [Chicago], Walter E. Lagerquist [Northwestern], W. E. Leonard, L. C. Marshall [Chicago], W. C. Mitchell [Columbia], C. T. Murchison [North Carolina], Tipton A. Snavely [Virginia], E. T. Towne [North Dakota], J. H. Underwood [Montana], M. S. Wildman [Stanford].

 

Combined Ratings:  (24)

1 2 3 4-5
Harvard 20 4 0 0
Columbia 11 9 2 1
Chicago 9 7 3 2
Wisconsin 8 7 4 2
Yale 3 3 9 3
Johns Hopkins 2 4 8 3
Michigan 0 6 4 5
Pennsylvania 0 3 6 8
Illinois 0 5 4 4
Cornell 0 2 7 5
Princeton 2 1 4 4
California 0 3 4 5
Minnesota 0 2 4 6
Northwestern 0 2 3 6
Stanford 0 1 4 6
Ohio State 0 1 2 8
Toronto 0 2 2 3

Staffs:

HARVARD: F.W. Taussig, E.F. Gay, T.N. Carver, W.Z. Ripley, C.J. Bullock, A.A. Young, W.M. Persons, A.P. Usher, A.S. Dewing, W.J. Cunningham, T.H. Sanders, W.M. Cole, A.E. Monroe, H.H. Burbank, A.H. Cole, J. H. Williams, W.L. Crum, R.S. Meriam.

COLUMBIA: R.E. Chaddock, F.H. Giddings, S.M. Lindsay, W.C. Mitchell, H.L. Moore, W. Fogburn, H.R. Seager, E.R.A. Seligman, V.G. Sinkhovitch, E.E. Agger, Emilie J. Hutchinson, A.A. Tenney, R.G. Tugwell, W.E. Weld.

CHICAGO: L.C. Marshall, C.W. Wright, J.A. Field, H.A. Millis, J.M. Clark, Jacob Viner, L. W. Mints, W.H. Spencer, N.W. Barnes, C.C. Colby, P.H. Douglas, J.O. McKinsey, E.A. Duddy, A.C. Hodge, L.C. Sorrell.

WISCONSIN: Commons, Elwell, Ely Garner, Gilman, Hibbard, Kiekhofer, Macklin, Scott, Kolb, McMurry, McNall, Gleaser, Jamison, Jerome, Miller, S. Perlman.

YALE: Olive Day, F.R. Fairchild, R.B. Westerfield, T.S. Adams, A.L. Bishop, W.M. Daniels, Irving Fisher, E.S. Furniss, A.H. Armbruster, N.S. Buck.

JOHNS HOPKINS: W.W. Willoughby, Goodnow, W.F. Willoughby, Thach, Latane.

MICHIGAN: Rodkey, Van Sickle, Peterson, Goodrich, Sharfman, Griffin, May, Taylor, Dickinson, Paton, Caverly, Wolaver.

PENNSYLVANIA: E.R. Johnson, E.S. Mead, S.S. Heubner, T. Conway, H.W. Hess, E.M. Patterson, G.G. Huebner, H.T. Collings, R. Riegel, C.K. Knight, W.P. Raine, F. Parker, R.T. Bye, W.C. Schluter, J.H. Willits, A.H. Williams, R.S. Morris, C.P. White, F.E. Williams, H.J. Loman, C.A. Kulp, S.H. Patterson, E.L. McKenna, W.W. Hewett, F.G. Tryon, H.S. Person, L.W. Hall.

ILLINOIS: Bogart, Robinson, Thompson, Weston, Litman, Watkins, Hunter, Wright, Norton.

CORNELL: W.F. Willcox, H.J. Davenport, D. English, H.L. Reed, S.H. Slichter, M.A. Copeland, S. Kendrick.

PRINCETON: F.A. Fetter, E.W. Kemmerer, G.B. McClellan, D.A. McCabe, F.H. Dixon, S.E. Howard, F.D. Graham.

CALIFORNIA: I.B. Cross, S. Daggett, H.R. Hatfield, J.B. Peixotte, C.C. Plehm, L.W. Stebbins, S. Blum, A.H. Mowbray, N.J. Silberling, C.C. Staehling, P.F. Cadman, F. Fluegel, B.N. Grimes, P.S. Taylor, Helen Jeter, E.T. Grether.

MINNESOTA: G.W. Dorwie, J.D. Black, R.G. Blakey, F.B. Garver, N.S.B. Gras, J.S. Young, A.H. Hansen, B.D. Mudgett, J.E. Cummings, E.A. Heilman, H.B Price, J.J. Reighard, J.W. Stehman, H. Working, C.L. Rotzell, W.R. Myers.

NORTHWESTERN: Deibler, Heilman, Secrist, Bailey, Pooley, Eliot, Ray Curtis, Bell, Hohman, Fagg.

STANFORD: M.S. Wildman, W.S. Beach, E. Jones, H.L. Lutz, A.C. Whitaker, J.G. Davis, A.E. Taylor, J.B. Canning.

OHIO STATE: M.B. Hammond, H.G. Hayes, A.B. Wolf, H.F. Waldradt, C.O. Ruggles, W.C. Weidler, J.A. Fisher, H.E. Hoagland, H.H. Maynard, C.A. Dice, M.E. Pike, J.A. Fitzgerald, F.E. Held, M.N. Nelson, R.C. Davis, C.W. Reeder, T.N. Beckman.

Compiled with the assistance of J.B. Dennison, associate professor of economics.

 

Source:  Raymond Mollyneaux Hughes, A Study of the Graduate Schools of America. Oxford, OH: Miami University (January 1925), pp. 14-15.  Copy from University of Chicago. Office of the President. Harper, Judson and Burton Administrations. Records, Box 47, Folder #5 “Study of the Graduate Schools of America”, Special Collections Research Center, University of Chicago.

 

Image Source: Four prize winners in annual beauty show, Washington Bathing Beach, Washington, D.C. from the U. S. Library of Congress. Prints & Photographs. http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/cph.3b43364

 

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Economic History Exam Questions Harvard Yale

Harvard. Final Examination, U.S. Economic History. Callender, 1899-1900

 

This post is a cross between “get to know an economics Ph.D. alumnus (Harvard)” and a deposit into the data bank of old exams. For three years at the end of the 19th century Guy Stevens Callender taught U.S. economic history at Harvard where he received a Ph.D. in 1897.  He ultimately went on to a professorship at Yale. One of the connections that I discovered in preparing the post is that Guy Stevens Callender and John R. Commons were undergraduate classmates at Oberlin.

For an article about Callender’s contributions:

Engelbourg, Saul. Guy Stevens Callender: A Founding Father of American Economic History. Explorations in Economic History. Vol. 9, 1971-72, pp. 255-267.

_________________

Biographical note:

Guy Stevens Callender was born on 9 November 1865 in Hartsgrove, Ohio, the son of Robert Foster Callender and Lois Winslow Callender.  The family moved from Massachusetts to the Western Reserve when Callender was a child.  At an early age he demonstrated that he had an active mind, intellectual curiosity, and a strong physical constitution; these attributes, along with his being an avid reader of books, led him at the age of fifteen to teach in the district schools of Ashtabula County.  Using his savings from several winters of teaching and his summer earnings made working on the family farm, Callender succeeded in paying for college preparatory courses at New Lyme Institute, South New Lyme, Ohio.

In 1886, at the age of twenty-one, Callender enrolled at Oberlin College where he took the classical course.  There he was influenced by James Monroe, professor of political science and modern history, who taught courses in political economy and sponsored Callender’s volunteer work in the Political Economy Club.  Callender also was an active participant in extracurricular organizations, including the Oberlin Glee Club, Oratorical Association, Phi Delta Society, The Review (student newspaper), and the Traveling Men’s Association.  In these groups, some of Callender’s affinity for leadership and exactness became evident (i.e., service as the financial manager and secretary).  He graduated with the degree of Bachelor of Arts in June, 1891, counting among his classmates John R. Commons and Robert A. Millikan.

After a year spent traveling and working in the business departments of newspapers in Cincinnati, Indianapolis, and Chicago, enrolled (1892) for graduate study at Harvard University from which he received a B.A. (1893), an M.A. (1894), and a Ph.D. in political science (1897).  During his graduate studies at Harvard he served for some time as instructor in economics at Wellesley College, and he was considered an “outstanding man among our graduate students” by Frank W. Taussig and other members of the teaching faculty.  Following the award of his Ph.D., Callender held an appointment as instructor in economics at Harvard from 1897 to 1900.  There he conducted a course in American economic history, which he personally created.  In 1900 he was appointed professor of political economy at Bowdoin College; in 1903 he accepted an appointment as professor in the Sheffield Scientific School of Yale University, where he continued to teach and engage in scholarly research until 1915.  He also served as a member of the Governing Board of the Sheffield Scientific School. In 1904 Callender married Harriet Belle Rice; they had one son (Everett, b. 1905).

Callender published his only book, Selections from the Economic History of the United States, 1765-1860 in 1909.  In it he revealed his entire theory of the progress of the United States from the beginning of colonization until the Civil War.  Callender’s most important contributions are to be found in his condensed, precisely written introductory essays that precede each chapter. His article “The Early Transportation and Banking Enterprises of the States in Relation to the Growth of Corporations,” in the Quarterly Journal of Economics (November 1902) was also well recognized and consulted by scholars.

Callender was as a member of the American Historical Association and the American Economic Association, and he was a frequent contributor as a book reviewer, essayist, and speaker.  Callender’s contribution to scholarship is probably best summed up in his “The Position of American Economic History,” American Historical Review 19 (October, 1913).  Therein he argued that American economic history should “be pursued as a separate subject of study” and that economic historians must be prepared to interpret facts.  For Callender economic history was more than the chronological recital of events of commercial and industrial significance.  He sought historical explanations by applying the principles of economic science to the economic and social development of communities.  His published studies included an analysis of the part played by economic factors in the adoption of the Federal Constitution and in the debate over the economic basis of slavery in the South.

Prior to his death, Callender worked on several writing projects, including a comprehensive, multivolume economic history of the United States, but poor health prohibited him from completing this project.  Another work in progress was a critical essay of Arthur Young’s Political Essays Concerning the British Empire (1772), which focused on the history of British colonies in America.  Until then, Young’s essays had not been generally appreciated or known by American scholars.  Callender was also at work on an introduction for a new edition in two volumes of American Husbandry, which was first published in London in 1775.  Callender’s review of Cyclopedia of American Government (edited by A.S. McLaughlin and Albert Bushnell Hart) appeared in the Yale Review shortly after his death.  According to commentator C. W. Mixter, this highly critical review showed “in a marked degree the range, vitality and acuteness of his thinking” (Yale Alumni Weekly, Oct. 1, 1915, p. 48).

Callender was the recipient of numerous awards and honors.  In 1907 Yale University awarded him an honorary M.A.  Two months before his death the Oberlin College chapter of Phi Beta Kappa elected him to membership.  Upon Callender’s death from a cerebral hemorrhage in Branford, Connecticut, on 8 August 1915, members of the Oberlin College Class of 1891 purchased from his widow his library of some 2500 volumes and gave it to the institution in his memory.  The Class raised additional funds to purchase other titles on economic history, thus rounding out and completing the collection.  A small amount of money was also set aside as an ongoing fund to keep the collection up-to-date.  Callender’s gift to the College Library, established by his graduating class, set an Oberlin precedent.

Source:  Oberlin College Archives.  Guy Stevens Callender Papers, 1820-1870.

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Course Enrollment
1899-1900

[Economics] 6. Dr. [Guy Stevens] Callender.—The Economic History of the United States. Lectures (2 hours); discussions of assigned topics (1 hour); 2 theses.

Total: 163.  11 Graduates, 64 Seniors, 58 Juniors, 19 Sophomores, 11 Others.

Source:  Harvard University. Annual report of the President of Harvard College 1899-1900, p. 69.

_________________

Course Description
1897-98

[Economics] 6. The Economic History of the United States. Tu., Th., at 2.30, and a third hour at the pleasure of the instructors. Mr. Callender.

Course 6 gives a general survey of the economic history of the United States from the formation of the Union to the present time, and considers also the mode in which economic principles are illustrated by the experience so surveyed. A review is made of the financial history of the United States, including Hamilton’s financial system, the second bank of the United States and the banking systems of the period preceding the Civil War, coinage history, the finances of the Civil War, and the banking and currency history of the period since the Civil War. The history of manufacturing industries is taken up in connection with the course of international trade and of tariff legislation, the successive tariffs being followed and their economic effects considered. The land policy of the United States is examined partly in its relation to the growth of population and the inflow of immigrants, and partly in its relation to the history of transportation, including the movement for internal improvements, the beginnings of the railway system, the land grants and subsidies, and the successive bursts of activity in railway building. Comparison will be made from time to time with the contemporary economic history of European countries.

Written work will be required of all students, and a course of reading will be prescribed, and tested by examination. The course is taken advantageously with or after History 13. While an acquaintance with economic principles is not indispensable, students are strongly advised to take the course after having taken Economics 1, or, if this be not easy to arrange, at the same time with that course.

 

Source: Harvard University, Faculty of Arts and Sciences. Division of History and Political Science Comprising the Departments of History and Government and Economics, 1897-98.  pp. 32-33.

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1899-1900
ECONOMICS 6
[Final examination, 1900]

  1. Into what periods may the economic history of the United States be properly divided? Give your reasons for making such a division, pointing out the chief characteristic of each periods.
  2. “A monopoly may be either legal, natural, or industrial.”—
    Distinguish each of these from the others by examples, and explain at length what is the character of an “industrial monopoly.”
  3. What legislation, if any, do you think is needed for the control of trusts? Give in full the reasons for your opinion.
  4. What features of American railway legislation do you consider open to criticism?
  5. “…As has been pointed out in the preceding chapter, cotton culture offered many and great advantages over other crops for the use of slave labor; but slavery had few, if any advantages over free labor for the cultivation of cotton….”—
    (a) Point out some of the advantages of cotton over other crops for the use of slave labor. (b) How do you reconcile the last part of the statement with the fact that cotton was produced chiefly by slave, instead of free, labor?
  6. Considering the conditions prevailing among the negroes in the South as well as in the West Indies since emancipation, what criticism, if any, would you make upon the policy of emancipation as actually carried out by the federal government during and after the war?
  7. What influences can you mention which have contributed to the recent depressed condition of cotton producers? (Do not confine your attention to the “credit system.”)
  8. What were the principal provisions of the resumption act? Explain the conditions under which it was carried into effect.
  9. Explain the conditions which led to the crisis or 1893.
  10. What reasons can you give to support the proposition that immigration has increased the population of the United States but little, if any?

 

Source:  Harvard University Archives.  Harvard University. Final examinations, 1853-2001.Box 2, Folder “Final examinations, 1899-1900”.

Categories
Berkeley Economists Yale

Berkeley and Yale. Short c.v. of William Fellner. Haberler’s remembrance, 1983

 

In earlier posts I provided the reading lists for courses that my Yale mentor, William John Fellner, offered at Harvard in 1950-51 (History of Economics, Advanced Economic Theory). The last time I spoke with Mr. Fellner was at lunch in the Mayflower Hotel in Washington, D.C., ca. 1976. He brought along his regular lunch companion, Gottfried Haberler. I had no idea at the time who Gottfried Haberler was, and Haberler wasted no words with me, but I did take away one impression. The man ate faster than any human that I had ever met before. There is a German proverb to the effect that you work the way you eat so I presumed Gottfried Haberler was a genuine Arbeitstier (work+animal). Anyhow today’s post offers transcriptions of two items about William Fellner from Gottfried Haberler having to do with my dear mentor William Fellner.

First, three other obituaries:

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November 1982

William Fellner

Born in Budapest, Hungary, May 31, 1905. Citizen of the United States since 1944. Studied at the University of Budapest; at the Federal Institute of Technology in Zurich (Dipl. Ing. Chem. 1927); and at the University of Berlin (Ph.D., Econ., 1929). Partner in a family enterprise in the Hungarian manufacturing industries 1929-38; member of the Department of Economics, University of California, Berkeley, 1939-52; Professor of Economics, Yale University, 1952-73 (Sterling Professor of Economics 1959-73; Emeritus since 1973). Member of President’s Council of Economic Advisers, 1973-75; at present Resident Scholar, American Enterprise Institute, Washington, D.C., also Project Director of and contributor to Contemporary Economic Problems (a volume of studies published yearly since 1976 by the American Enterprise Institute).

Past President (1969) of the American Economic Association; fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences; consultant of the Congressional Budget Office.

Honorary member of Phi Beta Kappa since 1952. Awarded Commander’s Cross of the Order of Merit of the German Federal Republic, 1979. Awarded Bernhard-Harms Prize of the Institute of World Economics, University of Kiel (1982). Corresponding Member of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences.

Publications include among others: Monetary Policies and Full Employment (1946), Competition Among the Few (1949), Trends and Cycles in Economic Activity (1955),Emergence and Content of Modern Economic Analysis (1960), Probability and Profit (1965), Towards a Reconstruction of Macroeconomics: Problems of Theory and Policy (1976).

In addition, articles in scientific journals and contributions to symposia. Some recent items among these are Correcting Taxes for Inflation (with Kenneth W. Clarkson and John H. Moore), American Enterprise Institute, June 1975; “Lessons from the Failure of Demand-Management Policies: A Look at the Theoretical Foundations”, Journal of Economic Literature, March 1976; “The Valid Core of Rationality Hypotheses in the Theory of Expectations”, Journal of Money, Credit, and Banking, Supplement to November 1980 issue; and “The Bearing of Risk Aversion on Movement of Spot and Forward Exchange Relative to the Dollar”, Flexible Exchange Rates and the Balance of Payments: Essays in Memory of Egon Sohmen, edited by John S. Chipman and Charles P. Kindleberger (1980). “Economic Theory Amidst Political Currents: The Spreading Interest in Monetarism and in the Theory of Market Expectations” (Bernhard-Harms Award lecture, published also in Weltwirtschaftliches Archiv, September 1982). Also “The High-Employment Budget and Potential Output” in Survey of Current Business, U. S. Department of Commerce, November 1982.

Source:  Hoover Institution Archives. Papers of Gottfried Haberler. Box 43, Folder: “Blue”

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Gottfried Haberler
October 1, 1983

Dear Valerie, Dear Friends, Ladies, and Gentlemen:

We are gathered here to pay tribute to the memory of a great man. William Fellner was a giant among economists. This is not the occasion to go deeply into Willy’s economic work, but a few highlights must be mentioned. His work covers a large area, ranging from problems of abstract theory to questions of current economic policy. He was a prolific writer and hard worker, active and alert to the very end. My memories go back almost fifty years to when I met Willy for the first time in the summer of 1934 in Stresa, Italy, at a conference that was attended by, among others, Friedrich A. von Hayek and by Luigi Einaudi, the Italian economist who after the war became the first president of Italy. I met Willy the next time and you, Valerie, for the first time four years later, when you came to the United States. We saw each other from time to time when Willy taught at the University of California and Yale University, and we were in daily contact after he came to Washington ten years ago until his death.

Recalling our first meeting, I am struck by how little he changed over these fifty years. The same impeccable manners, the same old-world courtliness, the same sharpness of mind, the same dignified appearance and demeanor, the same courteous and conciliatory tone, even in heated discussions—up to the day of his death.

Willy was an indefatigable worker. His bibliography lists seven books and more than fifty important papers in professional periodicals and books. His major field of interest was what is now called macroeconomics, including money, business cycles, inflation, and unemployment. His first writings appeared during the heyday of the Keynesian revolution. His second book, Monetary Policy and Full Employment (1946), shows the influence of Keynes. Willy admired Keynes but not uncritically. In fact, his criticism of Keynes anticipated or foreshadowed much of what has come to be known as the monetarist counterrevolution, as well as of the modern theory of rational expectations. In later writings he referred to these two schools extensively and gave them their due. But he was too modest to let his readers know that he himself had discussed those issues years before.

In recent years he concentrated on the problem of inflation. He was one of the first to recognize that there can be no permanent trade-off between inflation and unemployment. If inflation is not brought down to near zero, he argued, we will be condemned to continue the vicious pattern of stop and go, with the stops—recessions—becoming increasingly severe. The consequences would be ever-increasing government expenditures and deficits and more and more controls of wages and prices. As a convinced liberal in the classical nineteenth-century tradition, he was a staunch advocate of free enterprise, free markets, and free trade. He opposed government central planning and controls not only on grounds of economic efficiency but also because in the long run central planning and comprehensive controls are incompatible with a free, democratic society.

Like all great economists, Willy was more than an economist. He had a keen sense of history; he put current events and policies in historical perspective. Willy was a man of great culture, fluent in several languages, and well versed in Hungarian, English, and German literature.

Willy held strong views on many issues; he was a shrewd and often stern judge of people. But Willy was at the same time one of the most generous, kind, and considerate persons I have met. He had many friends, even among those with whom he strongly disagreed on important questions. His untimely death leaves a great void. But his scientific work will endure and will inspire future generations of economists.

Ladies and gentlemen, I know I speak for all of us when I thank you, Valerie, for all you have done to make Willy’s imposing lifework possible. Without your loving care and understanding, he could not have achieved as much as he did. Please accept this expression of our profound gratitude.

Source:  Hoover Institution Archives. Papers of J. Herbert Fürth. Box 5.

Image Source:  William Fellner’s Presidential portrait, American Economic Association.

Categories
Economists Gender Germany Irwin Collier M.I.T. Yale

Farewell lecture of Irwin Collier, FU-Berlin. July 4, 2018

The ceremonial bookends to a professorship in a German university consist of an inaugural and a farewell lecture. I spoke before a public that included the six disciplines represented in the John-F.-Kennedy Institute for North American Studies (besides economics: political science, sociology, history, cultural studies and literature) as well as colleagues from the economics and business faculty of Freie Universität Berlin. Those attending included first-year undergraduates through the oldest cohorts of emeritus professors. I needed a lecture to keep the filled hall alert for 45 minutes on a particularly warm Berlin summer afternoon. I chose the fourth of July because there was no World Cup soccer on the day to compete with.

The ceremony began with an introduction by the Institute’s director, Professor Christian Lammert, who provided a comparative analysis of the twitter activity of President Donald Trump and me. It is a great way to get laughs and a gentle way to roast an honoree. Try it at your next official function, you’ll be glad you did.

Next a local American folksinger, John Shreve, warmed up the crowd for me with two songs, after which I took to the lectern and presented the following remarks. 

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“Reflections on academic communities, clans, and clubs”

Abschiedsvorlesung of Prof. Irwin Collier, Ph.D.

John-F.-Kennedy Institute for North American Studies
Freie Universität Berlin
4 July 2018

One of the self-granted privileges of age, is to talk about oneself under the altruistic guise of sharing experience. And for this I beg your indulgence. On the other hand this is a farewell lecture, what else could you really expect? Now you needn’t worry that I am about to spew the cumulated bile of an underappreciated, unfortunate scholar bitter at the prospect of sealing his academic obscurity with a ceremony where others are about to celebrate his exit. While as delightful as it would be to speak long-repressed truth to the powers-that-be, this occasion lends itself to thoughtful reflection. No, instead I’ll offer from my own experience a few simply illustrative stories that most of you can relate to either through direct personal experience or have heard within your personal information bubbles.

Before getting started, let me make one thing pedantically clear: when I use the words “community”, “clan”, and “club” in what follows, but especially those latter two words, they are only to be understood as short-hand, metaphorical labels. I trust there is no need for attempting Über-precision in what is after all only offered as a series of personal reflections. My intention in speaking of communities, clans, and clubs is to offer you a simple alliterative triad that has a better chance of surviving into long-term memory than, say, “communities, tribes, and networks”, though that is what I actually mean, to be honest.

When I say academic both as adjective and noun, it is in the sense of having to do with individual membership in “the Academy” broadly understood.  I have always liked how the words “scholar and scientist” fit comfortably within the single German word “Wissenschaftler” and the Academy for me has its foundation in the Humboldtian dual mandate of research and instruction. We, the scholars and scientists of universities, have answered the call to follow that dual mandate. Of course knowledge gets produced outside the hallowed halls of the university and there are plenty of institutions that exist with the sole mission of advanced instruction. As an economist I have mostly good things to say about such division-of-labor and specialization.  But personally, I have spent about a half-century studying or working within a university setting, and half that time here at Freie Universität, so my preference is clearly revealed to serve that dual mandate.

Having a career-long interest in the history of economics, I have often had occasion to consider the life of scholars among scholars. While the filiation of ideas typically takes center stage in histories of economics (by this I mean the chronicle of how Adam Smith’s ideas begat those of David Ricardo and Thomas Robert Malthus, that in turn begat the ideas of John Stuart Mill, that begat innovations by William Stanley Jevons, on to the synthesis by Alfred Marshall and so on up to the present day), sometimes historians of economics explore the ideas of economists within particular historical contexts (e.g., the Progressive Era, the New Deal or the Thatcher-Reagan revolution) or within the specific policy debates of their times (protectionism, industrial policy, social insurance, monetary policy rules). This afternoon I will be guilty of thinking aloud about the social context of the creation and diffusion of scientific methods and knowledge generally. Since I am an economist, presumably what I have to say fits my home discipline best. Nonetheless I would wager at least one free lunch that the structures and mechanisms I have identified are present at least in some modified form elsewhere in the Academy.

Now somewhere in my unordered college papers that have followed me from New Haven to Cambridge, Massachusetts down to Princeton, then Houston and finally a transatlantic trip to Berlin in 1994, followed by three moves within the greater Berlin area there must be the original acceptance letter I received from Yale in the Spring of 1969.  One phrase in that letter has been etched into my memory, namely, that I was thereby welcomed into the “community of scholars”. I can smile now when thinking about the enthusiasm and naiveté of that boy turning man about to embark on his journey of academic life. A “community of scholars” turns out to have been what I had sought and what I was convinced I found in the undergraduate life of Yale College. When I first explored the stacks in the tower of Sterling Memorial Library and argued about philosophy and politics in beer-fueled bull-sessions into the night with my roommates and classmates, I felt at one with a much larger academic community, not merely that of the Yale microcosm but one extending to the authors of century-old books with uncut pages waiting to be discovered in the stacks. As far as the larger academic community in that thin slice of the historical present, well, I felt cosmopolitan to a fault. I saw no higher calling than that of the scholar/scientist. Excellence was not about winning a phi-beta-kappa key for display, it was about serving a higher purpose within that greater community of scholars. I believed that the true academic freely contributed and imbibed from the ever growing pool of human knowledge and was free from lesser motives. Life-work balance could not be an issue, the life and work of an academic were simply an identity.

Two modifications of my scholar’s life plan resulted from changes in scenery: an internship in Washington DC and later graduate school along the Charles River in Cambridge, Mass.

During my early undergraduate years I had little concern for applying knowledge for good, it seemed too much like engineering. Two spells in Washington, D.C. as an intern at the Council of Economic Advisers during the highpoint of the Watergate crisis taught me much about the importance of the work of policy wonks, a concept that only gained currency decades later during the Clinton Administration. My respect grew for the leaves of absence for public service or earlier work in the war effort (WWII) that I found was quite common among my professors.  Had plan A, serving the university dual mandate, not have worked, I probably would have pursued my personal happiness with a plan B, working as a government economist perhaps in the Department of the Treasury, the Bureau of Labor Statistics or Bureau of the Census and this afternoon’s ceremony would most likely be taking place in some office building in the District of Columbia. But it was still clear under either Plan A or Plan B, I would need further training.

Graduate School at M.I.T. marked a transition to a higher concentration of economics than I would have ever considered possible and looking back can hardly believe I survived with any dignity. Graduate coursework was not conceived according to the tenets of liberal arts to broaden the mind. Quite to the contrary, the graduate coursework at M.I.T. was an intellectual boot-camp, where the brain got trained without ever so much as a doubt on the part of the drill-sergeants or the recruits themselves whether this was a good way to educate a professional economist.  You want to be a Navy Seal, OK, it’s your choice…and if it turns out to be too much for you to handle, ring the bell, take your M.A. and leave honorably. Of course I am exaggerating, but I do recall a West-Point graduate in my class who declared that graduate school was the most academic freedom that he had ever enjoyed. Incidentally, that M.I.T. classmate turns up in Michael Lewis’ The Big Short as having been the chief risk officer for Morgan Stanley during the financial meltdown in 2008. I’ll add here that another classmate was a principal in Long-Term Capital Management when that famous hedge fund crashed and burned in 1998. I became an expert on the East German economy and we all know what happened there in 1989. You can see the pattern, but I digress…

Clearly I wouldn’t be standing here before you today had I not survived the rigors of graduate school. In a meantime that spans not quite a half-century I have come to the realization that a “community of scholars” is actually only a Platonic ideal, something as unreal yet appealing as the Garden of Eden, the legend of King Arthur’s court in Camelot or the utopian socialisms that fired the imaginations of radical progressives in the second half of the 19th century. And yet, my experience from dealing in an academic setting, having had contact with many permutations of human natures and across a few societies, has not at all discouraged me from the quixotic quest of building or becoming a part of a genuine community of scholars. The fundamental question we all face is how to get nearer there from here. Plot spoiler: this is my farewell lecture so that can gets kicked down the road for you young folks here.

My thesis is that real existing research and instruction take place in a world spanned by two basic types of institutional frameworks, that we can call clans and clubs for short. Just as there is a spectrum of virtuous behavior along which we, our friends, rivals, and enemies can be placed, clans and clubs differ in the degree to which they help meet the criteria of a “community of scholars”.

So what constitutes an ideal or a genuine community of scholars? (1) Inclusivity. There is no frontier between us and them with respect to the search for knowledge and understanding other than a sharp boundary separating magical thinking from those in the community for whom the collection and honest interpretation of evidence and logical thinking constitute the supporting pillars for science and scholarship.  (2) Meritocratic. There is not a fixed caste system within the community of scholars. It is not a hive with a queen, drones and worker bees. Results from the mixture of individual genius, creativity, good fortune, insight, and discovery are recognized, appropriated, and honored by the community. The demographic fact of overlapping generations results in a natural ordering of junior to senior, but the filial piety of Confucianism must yield the right-of-way to the Wunderkinder in the community of scholars. (3) Self-critical. By this I mean members of a community of scholars share a categorical imperative with respect to criticizing our own work as we criticize that of others. This is important because the accumulation of knowledge and understanding is but an imperfect ratchet. Any one of us, repeat…anyone, has the capacity to pursue dead-ends, and even to forget lessons once learned.  (4) Team spirited. Yet even with all that humility we still have a capacity to cry Eureka upon discovery and other members of the community rejoice at the sound of that cry.

Undoubtedly I have missed a few items in my proposed check list of criteria. But it is easy to see their necessity to be included in any such list by considering what a university would look like when the polar opposite cases occur, where (1´) exclusivity (2´) impermeable stratification (3´) immunity from doubt and/or criticism (4´) Schadenfreude are the rule. Sounds a bit like a sequel to A Handmaid’s Tale without the dramatic costuming doesn’t it?

The essence of club and clan is captured in the Groucho Marx quip “I wouldn’t want to be a member of any club that would have me as a member” and the familiar expression, “You can choose your friends but not your family”.  While I grant that there is a process of selection and self-selection to graduate schools that bears a resemblance to the formal admission procedure for joining a club, there is a good reason to distinguish between the two. In the case of a club you are accepted or rejected for who and what you are.  When you enter, you are a member, a peer. In contrast for a clan, the selection criteria can be quite distinct from the requirements to attain full clan membership.  The network from club membership is valuable to you as a member, but the clan becomes a part of your identity.

But before we talk about this psychological transformation of identity, allow me a brief historical word here.

My research over the past several years has focused on the evolution of graduate training in economics. Both from my own experience but also from listening to colleagues as well as reading random biographical and autobiographical accounts, I became convinced that the critical transmission of the tools of research and the ultimate values that provide the background for the selection of “interesting” questions takes place in graduate schools and there the formation of scholarly character embedded within a network of graduates becomes recognizable as a “school”.  This interest led to an inaugural grant from the Institute for New Economic Thinking for me to begin exploring university archives for documentary material that would prove useful for marking the evolution of economic theories and methods actually acquired by successive cohorts of professional economists in different universities. The research question was to identify the forces that have contributed to the convergence of economics into a contemporaneous mainstream of common scope and methods.

It was in Germany where the modern university seminary for science and scholarship emerged and it provided the ultimate model for research training at the graduate level. And that academic DNA from those seminaries was carried across the Atlantic to the emerging great universities of the United States. Johns Hopkins, Harvard, Columbia, Chicago and points west all profited from the ambitious young scholars and scientists who had been “made in Germany”. The leading role played by Germany will come again when we turn to clubs.

The clan or tribe has played an enormous role in the history of economics. Just to name a few instances, there was the grand Methodenstreit between Carl Menger of Vienna and Gustav von Schmoller of Berlin in the late 19th century on the relative merits of deduction vs. induction (sort of chicken-or-the-egg debate). The debate was ultimately won in a scientific sense by Menger but the academic street-fighter Schmoller had much greater success in occupying the professorial chairs in the German-language areas of Europe for several generations.

Other notable debates between “schools” of economics include the capital debate between the “two Cambridges” of the 1950s and 1960s, Keynesian fiscalism vs. Chicago monetarism, especially in the 1960s, fresh- vs. salt-water macroeconomics more recently, and there is the always evergreen controversy between Austrian economics (which I note in its present form is neither Austrian nor economics) and wherever the mainstream happens to find itself.   There have been cases in economics where Saul turns into Paul well along in the career. But such late breaks, such as that from the Keynes critic hired by Harvard to the man who brought Keynes to America, Alvin Hansen, or from neo-classical darling to radical economist, Stephen Marglin in the 1960s, have been rare. These are news stories much as “man bites dog” is news, because “dog bites man” is considerably less newsworthy.  The correlation between where and how you have been trained and your research style/policy positions is strong and robust. But of course you ask, is it really causation or a case of post-hoc-ergo-propter-hoc inference when there is really a background factor responsible for both?

So what leads me to assert the strong identification of scholar with the school? My pop-psychological explanation is that the intense training and focus of a graduate education brings a young scholar up to humanity’s frontier of knowledge for the first time. That frontier advances rapidly and only a few, certainly not all Ph.D.’s, will move fast enough or long enough to remain on that frontier. Nonetheless that moment of arrival at the hilltop and looking out on the vast, uncharted landscape before you for the first time is a profound life-altering experience in adulthood and there is a warm-fuzzy object that you bond with — it is not a parent, rather it is the collectivity of the professors from whom you have learned and been guided and the authors of the books and papers you have digested in the course of your studies. Sure, later we all pass through a form of intellectual puberty and develop a hypersensitivity to all our professors’ faults. I think back: God there were some really awful teachers, I have witnessed examples of narcissism unchained! Etc.  One of my dearest professors upon hearing that Herbert Simon was awarded a Nobel prize in economics actually said “He can’t be any good, I haven’t read anything he has written.” Later in our careers we might have our own Mark Twain moment: “When I was a boy of 14, my father was so ignorant I could hardly stand to have the old man around. But when I got to be 21, I was astonished at how much the old man had learned in seven years.”

OK, time for a quick summary of what I have been rambling on about thus far. It appears that I had the enormous good fortune to have stumbled into what seemed a virtual academic heaven on earth.  Following that formative period when I acquired my scholarly/scientific values together with a box of analytical tools, it was time for Hänschen-klein to march off into the real world. I was an apprentice turned journeyman sorcerer, a fledgling member of a clan of economists associated with the Yale-MIT axis. Had you asked me at the time what it meant, I would have answered it was really no more than a pedigree, if anything, a signal as to the quality of the people who taught me. Gradually, I learned as I interacted in a professional context with people trained at other places and in other traditions, this Yale-MIT axis signaled belonging to a well-defined clan. Think of West Side Story, the gangs of Sharks and Jets, just without the dancing.

The first inkling I had about the influence of where you learned your economics was as an undergraduate during my Council of Economic Advisers time when a fellow intern, a graduate student from UCLA, derisively commented on the fact that I had waited hours to watch the Watergate Hearing for Nixon’s chief-of-staff H.R. Haldeman, “queues are inefficient”. Subtext: a market should have been created to let a price mechanism allocate the scarce space to the highest bidders.  Since he was my first observation, I thought it was the individual effect talking, i.e., he was just a jerk. But then later another UCLA man, a senior professor at the University of Houston when I was an assistant professor there, nonchalantly dismissed a vast swath of applied economic analysis as we interviewed young people at the annual job market, “Nobody believes welfare economics…”  I recall my first serious encounter with German ordo-liberalism at the University of Siegen. Hearing so much praise for Walter Eucken and his Freiburg school that inspired the policy architects who brought us the German social-market economy led me to read some of his work.  I felt like I was listening to folks speaking German in some remote alpine valley.

The point of these examples is that it was beginning to look to me that how and where you were trained had a major impact on the sorts of questions you asked and the style of argument and the forms of evidence you accepted. Thinking back I expected the sorts of political differences and research strategies would be more-or-less randomly distributed across departments. People, and I stress economists are people, are a heterogeneous bunch, simply put, “a mixed bag”. But even allowing for concentration of the one or other paradigm for research, couldn’t we expect serious scholars to outgrow their apprentice years as they would become exposed to inter-university variation? In a statistical sense I interpreted what I observed, namely, knowing where someone had been trained had “too much” explanatory power for what a mature university research economist would think about economics. You could see a definite family resemblance across the clan. What I still don’t really understand was why academic disputes between clans have almost invariably escalated to the intensity of a shooting feud between the Hatfields and McCoys. But then again, I’m the sort of guy who is still shocked that people are so rude to each other on twitter. The working hypothesis perhaps is best expressed in the adage, “Academic politics are so vicious because the stakes are so low.”

Time for another short historical break before reflecting on networks or clubs that academics have established.

Economics became an easily identifiable collective pursuit of truth for the first time in the middle of the 18th century at the court of Louis XV at Versailles where the French Physiocrats coalesced into a self-conscious school for the purpose of enlightened economic policy. They actually called themselves les économistes and they even had their own journal. Their time on the world stage was brief, the French Revolution scattered the school to the winds, and one member, DuPont de Nemours settled in the United States where his son founded the gunpowder business that ultimately became the DuPont corporation. Incidentally Thomas Jefferson’s idealization of the yeoman farmer and contempt for the mercantile classes was a reflection of his reading Physiocratic texts. In England in the nineteenth century political economy was passionately debated among gentlemen in clubs. Members would read their Hume, Smith, Ricardo and Malthus to join the chatter and contribute to the literary magazines of the time debating economic policy.  From about 1935 through 1950 the gradual expansion of mathematical and statistical tools had become such a critical part of the kit of the professional economist that political economy or economics was no longer “clubbable” in the literal sense.

But even before the shift to mathematical and statistical methods had become complete, substitutes for the club were found in the extra-university learned societies, professional associations, and regularly recurring conference groups. All of these networks had established admission procedures to establish whether a potential peer brought the right stuff to the table.

Just as the modern research seminar goes back to the university seminaries of Germany, the Verein für Socialpolitik was officially founded at its conference in Eisenach in October 1873 a year after an initial conference a year earlier also in Eisenach on the “soziale Frage” (social question). This association brought economists, lawyers and government statisticians together. Now some twenty-three standing field committees span the scope of economic research in the German language area. Thanks to a retired colleague, Wolfram Fischer, I received an invitation to become a member of the standing committee for the history of economics. For these standing committees one is invited to present a paper and is voted membership.  The Verein itself used to be the sort of association that members had to propose candidates whose approval then was voted upon.

The very same American students who studied in the German seminaries of economics during the last third of the 19th century, returned to become founding members of the American Economic Society, that unlike the Verein für Socialpolitik, which was long to have a sharp anti-Manchester capitalism profile, reached out to their classic liberal colleagues who initially resisted joining forces. From its early years the American Economic Association was a bigger tent than the Verein für Socialpolitik.

Two other societies worth mention are the international Econometric Society that was dedicated to the use of mathematical and formal statistical modeling in economics. It was first organized in December 1930 in Cleveland, Ohio with Joseph Schumpeter chairing a meeting of sixteen people who elected Irving Fisher of Yale as its president. The Econometric Society then met officially for the first time the following September in Lausanne. Not quite four decades later dissatisfaction with the scope of mainstream economics that focused excessively on “plenty” and with too little attention to its distribution and almost none to issues of power and politics, the Union of Radical Political Economy was founded in 1968 (This year celebrating its fiftieth anniversary at the University of Massachusetts in Amherst).

In the course of the Allied Social Sciences Meeting every year, field associations organize their panels where the networks of colleagues meet.  Of course no list of clubs would be complete without mentioning the Mt. Pelerin Society founded by economists along with historians and philosophers at the invitation of Friedrich Hayek in 1947 and which formed a bedrock of neoliberalism, long before it was fashionable.

As we say, birds of a feather, flock together and the communication among researchers working on similar topics, using similar methods, interested in the same kinds of evidence is necessary for the success of the cooperative endeavor. These networks allow sub-fields to achieve scales impossible to expect in all but the largest and richest university settings. Indeed stepping back and regarding the research output of these professional clubs whose membership spans university, disciplinary, territorial bounds, few of us would want to go back to the high days of the London Political Economy Club or even the early days of the relatively exclusive professional societies requiring formal nomination for membership.

At this point I need to insert a big fat German “Aber…” (But…). The clans and clubs of economics (and economics is hardly unique here) have a diversity problem with respect to, I’ll limit myself to the United States here, race, ethnicity, and gender. In the course of my INET funded research, I have examined archived economics departmental records of M.I.T. from the 1970s dealing with the recruitment and subsequent performance of students from traditional black colleges and of women admitted to the program. Something that struck me was the sheer experimental willingness of this overwhelmingly white, male and politically liberal department to expand the numbers of blacks and women in the economics Ph.D. program. Of course M.I.T., sitting at the apex of the economics graduate programs at that time, was able to recruit easily. But after several years, the realization set in that to avoid the creation of a Zwei-Klassensystem (twin tracks) the recruiting pools needed to be equalized and this would require a strategic switch to recruiting aggressively and exclusively from elite undergraduate programs. Having been an observer-participant from a time that I can now witness again in an archival light, I appreciate the dilemma felt by the M.I.T. economics department then between increasing the inclusivity of the clan but only at the cost of an increased risk of failure for precisely those new groups who had been previously overlooked.

Let us shift focus now from entry to the clan to the issue of gender diversity in the clubs or professional networks.  [Due to unexpected turbulence, the captain has turned on the fasten seat belt sign.] Last year a dynamite paper originally submitted as a Berkeley senior thesis was published by Alice H. Wu “Gender Stereotyping in Academia: Evidence From Economics Job Market Rumors Forum”. Ms. Wu processed more than a million posts from the anonymous online message board econjobrumors.com.  It is as close to systematic eavesdropping around a water cooler that can be done legally. It turns out that the ordered list of the thirty words most uniquely associated with women were (warning: NSFW): [read list very quickly] “hotter, lesbian, bb (internet speak for “baby”), sexism, tits, anal, marrying, feminazi, slut, hot, vagina, boobs, pregnant, pregnancy, cute, marry, levy, gorgeous, horny, crush, beautiful, secretary, dump, shopping, date, nonprofit [?!], intentions, sexy, dated and prostitute”. The analogous men-words included: [read slower] “juicy, keys, adviser, bully, prepare, fought, wharton, austrian, checkers, homo [!], genes, mathematician, advisor, burning, pricing, philly, band, nobel, amusing, greatest, textbook, goals, irate”–with the singular exception of a homophobic slur, not nearly so much to be ashamed of in guy gossip…about guys. But even before the publication of Wu’s paper, the active standing Committee on the Status of Women in the Economics Profession of the American Economic Association was addressing issues of sexual harassment and drafting of codes of conduct. Manels (i.e., panels consisting of only men) still occur quite regularly at professional meetings but the outcry cannot be overheard. Let us just say, the situation regarding the issue of gender falls seriously short of the Platonic community of scholars, but it is not hopeless. I say this as a member of Yale’s first four-year coeducational class — looking back a half-century the differences for the better are truly striking.

I see the shortfall in meeting the criterion of inclusivity less to be found either on the race or gender fronts where important corners have been turned. The greater problem seems to me to be one of a relentless trend in which we observe the homogenization of particular methods and approaches to the exclusion of others. For a five-year old with a hammer, everything looks like a nail.

Today’s heterodoxy can improve the quality of the flow in the mainstream as well as vice-versa. Loyalty to the clan is only a virtue to the extent that your clan is up to good. Besides the obligation to expose one’s future students to a wide-range of views, as good as we feel and as justly we might think that we can adequately summarize “the other side”, we Hatfields are probably a poor substitute for the real McCoy.

Calls for broadening the curriculum clash with the budgetary realities forcing faculties to choose a balance between breadth and depth in the coverage of fields and methods. But my decades in this business have led me to conclude that we have less to fear from the tragic constellation of beer budgets and champagne tastes than we have to fear from the narcissistic gene of scholars, present company excluded of course (I want to be able to eat lunch in Dahlem in the future!). That narcissistic gene leads even top scholars to attempt to clone themselves into entire faculties. My hope is that a pragmatic tolerance and taste for diversity in paradigms can trickle down from senior to junior and through all levels of instruction.

In their modern clubs scholars find kindred spirits, it is there scholars can find honest peer review.  So what could possibly go wrong?  Well here is where we need a second, a vertical dimension to understand what is happening. In a race for status, gatekeepers and judges play an important role. The old question necessarily arises, who will guard the guards? Can we be confident that the norms of the Platonic community of scholars will be able to weather the winds of rivalry for the zero-sum game of status or of self-interested competition for scarce resources?

One expects economists to talk about money. So let’s talk about it in this context. My father once wisely told me when he thought that I was getting too academically big for my real-world britches: brains don’t hire money, money hires brains.   Expressed in terms a Marxist might appreciate:  my father apparently believed that the reproduction cycle goes Money—Brains—Money rather than Brains—Money—Brains. Besides putting the horse (money) before the cart (brains), I can only mention en passant that large private concentrations of wealth can and have been used to support research programs of a particular political stripe just as an unequal distribution in wealth can and has been used for disproportionate political influence (i.e. violating the essential democratic symmetry of one citizen, one vote / one voice). I’ll just mention the documented ability of the Koch brothers to have funneled enormous funds into George Mason University that had strings attached with respect to faculty hires that no self-respecting faculty member could possibly support.

Before I start foaming at the mouth, I pause to bid my colleagues here this afternoon to reflect on the distance they perceive between the Platonic ideal of an academic community and their personal experience.

A lecture title that signals “reflections” is an open confession that no attempt has been made for rigorous argument. My somewhat random walk defies summary. Still I have been raised to think that it is prudent to leave one’s audience with a nugget to share when they leave, in the event that someone should ask what I, the speaker, had to say.

For me (and I am sure for many in this room) the happiest and most productive times were in those moments when I felt firmly embedded within an environment approaching a community of scholars. Academic life has taught me that such communities are mostly figments of some philosopher’s imagination. The work of a scholar, when not the fruit of a monastic life-style, is conducted within clans and clubs. My experiences from a career in university life and listening to the experiences of others have led me to the conclusion that “academic community” is analogous to genius, and when or if ever it really exists, it is extremely rare and probably the result of rather random dependent paths of history rather than the result of conscious human intention. My plea, especially to the undergraduate and graduate students in the room, is not to sink into cynicism once you discover for yourselves that your professors and their professors, that researchers in private or government laboratories, that senior researchers in think-tanks happen to display the shortcomings I have identified in clubs (especially, exclusivity regarding who gets admitted) and clans (especially, an allegiance where blood is thicker than water). Clubs can open themselves and clans can indeed coexist peacefully and even intermarry. Rival research programs need not have to end in blood feuds like the Hatfields and McCoys. While my pursuit of happiness is found in the pursuit of truth, due diligence demands that all of us sharing that pursuit keep a watchful eye on those serving as the gate-keepers of our clubs.

So much for my reflections. Allow me a few personal words in closing.

*  * *  *

One enters and remains in our imperfect community of scholars, in part on one’s own merits but more importantly due to those who trusted that ex post merit would justify ex ante support. These scholars, near colleagues, friends and family members are too numerous to mention outside of an extended written memoir. But without them the arc of my academic life would have ended far short of Freie Universität Berlin. Fostering the development of latent or raw talent made the difference for me and my hope is that I have played a similar role in the academic lives of others.

I have had the pleasure of working with both colleagues and staffs of the Faculties of Business and Economics and the John-F.-Kennedy Institute. Secretaries like our own Kerstin Brunke have provided that first line of defense known as the front office and they deserve medals for valor. Good cheer and a quite competency have served as a wonderful complement to my management-challenged ways of dealing with the world outside.  From the offices of administration in the Faculty of Political and Social Sciences to the bowels of the libraries, I have had a reasonably blessed time. Perhaps we only survive in a Burgfrieden, a truce in times of trouble, but I cannot say that I have suffered either severely or disproportionately. At this point of my professional life I am so happy for the continued emotional and intellectual support provided by my wife, the psychiatrist Prof. Isabella Heuser-Collier, whose own Abschiedsvorlesung at Berlin’s Charité I eagerly await some two years from now.

General Douglas MacArthur immortalized the refrain from an old barracks song in his farewell address to the U.S. Congress in April 19, 1951: “Old soldiers never die, they just fade away.” In that spirit, beginning this September at Bard College Berlin I shall fade to teaching half-time with an increased emphasis on the history of economics. This will give me significantly more time for transcribing and curating archival artifacts for my blog Economics in the Rear-view Mirror (www.irwincollier.com). I don’t really believe in the prospects of a happy hunting ground in the sky, but as a member of the greater academic community going forward, I find the prospect of my work surviving in a happy virtual cloud in the sky a spur for me to continue my work. I once toyed with the idea of slipping a $100 bill into the library copy of my M.I.T. Ph.D. dissertation to reward an anonymous anybody who has decided to fish the dissertation from the safe obscurity of the Dewey library stacks. Now the thought occurs to me that perhaps leaving a bitcoin in the cloud somewhere buried in my blog would be a legacy worthy of a scholar of the early 21st century.

I thank you for your attention this afternoon but especially for being with me now at this cusp of my academic life-cycle.

 

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Economic History Exam Questions Syllabus Yale

Yale. American Economic History. Topics and final exam. Parker and Joskow, 1972

 

If my extremely fuzzy recollection of the graduate course in American economic history taught at Yale in the spring semester of 1972 by William Parker and Paul Joskow is to be trusted, many if not most of the readings came from these two texts:

  • American Economic Growth: An Economist’s History of the United States, Lance E. Davis, Richard A. Easterlin and William N. Parker (editors). New York: Harper & Row, 1972.
  • Robert W. Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman (eds.). The Reinterpretation of American History. New York: Harper & Row, 1971.

The topical outline and final examination questions for the course are transcribed below. 

One of the graduate students taking the course was the brilliant Willem Buiter who left a deep impression (that was probably reinforced and made permanent by Robert Solow having taught the Cowles Foundation Discussion paper by Tobin and Buiter (1974) to my cohort at M.I.T.). 

Careful readers will note the distinctly Yale custom of not displaying academic rank. We addressed our professors with Mr./Miss/Mrs./Ms. [it was a transition time for gender honorifics].

William Parker had a well-honed wit. His Adam-Smith inspired lyrics to the tune of the evergreen spiritual “Rock of Ages” has been posted earlier here at Economics in the Rear-view Mirror.

________________

Economics 133b—American Economic History
Spring 1972

Mr. Parker
Mr. Joskow

Schedule of Topics

  1. Establishing the National Economy
    1. The colonial economy.
    2. Problems of colonial and early national policy
    3. Regional economies to the Civil War
  2. Natural Sources of National Wealth
    1. Relations between Resources and Technology
    2. Population Growth and Organization of Labor Force
  3. The Process of Extensive Expansion
    1. Westward Movement and Agrarian Expansion
    2. Extension of Transportation and its Effects
  4. The Growth of Manufactures
    1. Expansion and Transformation of Light Industries
    2. Heavy Industry: Shifts in Location and Scale
  5. Economic Organization within the Market Economy
    1. Money, Finance and Controls over Investment
    2. The U.S. in the International Economy
    3. Economic Fluctuations through the Great Depression
  6. Non-market Organization and Controls
    1. Large Organizations in the American Economy
    2. Political Issues and Public Policies

 

Economics 133b
Final Examination
May 17, 1972

Take any three questions including at least one from each Part of the examination.

I.

  1. Trace the major developments in the economic history of one of the three major regions of the United States from 1750 through the 1830’s.
  2. What problems appear in measuring the economic growth of the United States before 1860? Distinguish between problems of source materials and problems of definition and concepts. What do the data most probably show about the growth rate between 1800 and 1850?
  3. The major sources of growth of agricultural productivity are: (1) Westward movement to new lands, (2) regional specialization deriving from market growth and transport improvements, (3) technical change. Discuss the influence of any one of these sources on agricultural productivity in 19thCentury United States.
  4. “Government policy toward the economy before 1860 was not controlled by the philosophical issue of laissez-faire vs. intervention, but by the political issue of federal-state relations.” Discuss with reference to specific policy areas (land policy, banking, tariffs, public works, etc.)
  5. Slavery and cotton go together in the sense that neither could have flourished in the South without the other. Do you agree? Explain.
  6. “The relative scarcity of labor in the American economy in the first half of the 19thCentury gave a labor-saving bias to the technology invented and introduced in that period.
    Analyze and discuss this statement, giving specific examples.

II.

  1. “The efficiency of a monetary and banking system can be judged by several criteria, notably: (1) elimination of the risk of individual losses, (2) variety of monetary and credit instruments available to supply individual preferences with respect to wealth holding, (3) effects on the volume of investment, (4) effects on the trend of prices and the stability of such a trend.
    Evaluate the American monetary and banking institutions with respect to these criteria over some 25-30 period in American history.
  2. What do you consider to be the main factors causing the increase in scale of firm in manufacturing industry between 1840 and 1890?
  3. Describe the major changes in the evolution of the balance of payments of the United States between colonial times and 1929. Do you think that phases in the growth process in the United States can be dated from turning points in the relation of the various items in the balance to one another.
  4. “The railroad is the mother of trusts.” Explain. Is this true for the United States?
  5. “Large organizations developed not just in manufactures, but in all sections of American economic life after 1880. The phenomenon therefore cannot be simply derived from the economies of large scale manufacture and the technological changes which produced them.” Do you agree? Discuss with specific reference to one industry and to one type of non-industrial organization (Labor, government, politics etc.)
  6. Increased government regulation of the economy between 1887 and 1914 was a response to the concerns of progressive elements in the country regarding the increasing concentration of American industry. Discuss the validity of this statement by looking at the causes and effects of several attempts by the federal government to regulate industrial structures or practices.

 

Source:  Irwin Collier, personal papers.

Image Source: Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 151, No. 2, June 2007.

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Berkeley Carnegie Institute of Technology Chicago Columbia Cornell Duke Economist Market Harvard Illinois Indiana Iowa Johns Hopkins M.I.T. Michigan Minnesota Northwestern Princeton Salaries Stanford UCLA Virginia Wisconsin Yale

Economics Faculty Salaries for 15 U.S. universities. Hart Memo, April 1961

 

Here we have a memo written by member of the Columbia University economics department executive committee, Albert G. Hart, that presents the results of what appears to be his informal polling of the chairpersons of 21 departments. Fifteen of the departments provided the salary ranges at four different ranks. No further details are provided, this one page memo was simply filed away in a folder marked “memoranda”. Maybe there is more to be found in Hart’s papers at Columbia University. Up to now I have only sampled Hart’s papers for teaching materials and perhaps next time, I’ll need to look into his papers dealing with departmental administrative affairs.

For a glance at salaries about a half-century earlier:  Professors and instructors’ salaries ca. 1907. 

________________

AGH [Albert Gailord Hart] 4/21/61

CONFIDENTIAL information on economic salaries, 1960-61, from chairmen of departments

Institution

Professors Associate professors Assistant professors

Instructors

Harvard

$12,000-22,000

$9,000-12,000 $7,500-8,700

$6,500

Princeton

$12,000-…?…

$9,000-11,500 $7,000-8,750

$6,000-6,750

California

$11,700-21,000

$8,940-10,344 $7,008-8,112

$5,916-6,360

MIT

$11,000-20,000

$8,000-11,000 $6,500-9,000

$5,500-5,750

Minnesota

$11,000-18,000

$8,500-11,000 $6,800-8,400

?

COLUMBIA

$11,000-20,000

$8,500-10,000 $6,500-7,500

$5,500-5,750

Northwestern

$11,000-…?…

$8,000-11,000 $6,800-7,500

?

Duke

$11,400-16,000

$8,200-10,000 $7,200-8,200

$5,800-6,500

Illinois

$11,000-15,000

$7,500-10,000 $6,900-8,600

$6,500-7,100

Cornell

$10,000-15,000

$8,000-10,000 $6,500-7,500

$5,500-6,500

Indiana

$10,000-14,800

$8,300-10,000 $6,500-7,500

?

Michigan

$10,000-…?…

$8,700-..9,500 $6,600-8,000

$5,000

Virginia

$..9,800-15,000

$7,800-..9,800 $6,600-7,800

?

Wisconsin

$..9,240-16,150

$8,000-..9,000 $6,550-8,460

$5,250-5,450

Iowa State (Ames)

$..8,500-13,000

$7,500-..8,500 $6,700-8,000

$4,700-6,600

[…]

Note: The following institutions for which data were not included in the source materials are believed to pay their economists at scales at or above the Columbia level:

Carnegie Tech
Chicago
Johns Hopkins
Stanford
Yale
UCLA

[…]

 

Source:  Columbia University Archives. Columbia University, Department of Economics Collection. Carl Shoup Materials: Box 11, Folder: “Economics—Memoranda”.

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Economists Germany Yale

Yale. John Christopher Schwab. Taught Political Economy 1890-1905

 

In tracking down faculty who taught economics at U.S. universities in the past we sometimes have to rummage in the dimmer corners of pretty obscure history of economics. From the following items we see that John Christopher Schwab was among the first German-trained cohort of economists. He worked his way up to a professorship in political economy at Yale and then went on to become the Yale University librarian. It could turn out that his greatest legacy to economics is to be found in his student notebooks.

RESEARCH TIP:  “The papers of John C. Schwab include his student notebooks both in the United States and in Germany, with half of one notebook (1887-1888) devoted to the lectures of the historian Heinrich von Treitschke.”

___________________________

SCHWAB, John Christopher, 1865-

Born in Fordham Heights, N. Y., 1865; graduated at Yale, 1886; studied political science in the Graduate Department the succeeding year; at the University of Berlin, 1887-88; at Göttingen, 1888-89; and history in New York, 1890; Lecturer at Yale, 1890-91; Instructor, 1891-93; Assistant Professor of Political Economy to 1893; advanced to full Professorship the latter year.

JOHN CHRISTOPHER SCHWAB, Ph.D., Professor of Political Economy at Yale, was born in Fordham Heights, Westchester county. New York, April 1, 1865, son of Gustav and Catherine Elizabeth (Von Post) Schwab. He was named for his paternal great-grandfather, a Privy Counsellor of Stuttgart, Germany, of which city his grandfather Gustav Schwab, the poet, and his father were also natives. His maternal grandfather was Laurence Henry von Post, a native of Bremen, and a merchant of New York. He is a great-grandson on the maternal side of Caspar Meier, also a native of Bremen and a New York merchant, who married a daughter of John Christopher Kunze, D.D., of New York, and the latter’s wife was a daughter of Henry Melchior Muhlenberg, of Pennsylvania. Having pursued his preliminary studies under private tutors, and in Messrs. Gibbens and Beach’s School, New York, he entered Yale, Class of 1886, and after taking his Bachelor’s degree he took a year’s course in political science under Professors Sumner and Hadley in the Graduate Department. The succeeding two years were devoted to the same line of study at the Universities of Berlin and Gottingen, from which latter he received the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in 1889, having been awarded that of Master of Arts by Yale the previous year, and his professional preparations were concluded with a year’s historical research in the libraries of New York City. Returning to Yale as Lecturer on Political Science in 1S90, he acted as Instructor in Political Economy from 1891 to 1893, when he took the Assistant Professorship, and in 1898 was advanced to the Chair of that subject. Professor Schwab has been one of the Editors of the Yale Review, since 1892, and is the author of historical articles on the Confederate States; Revolutionary History of Fort Number Eight; and an article on Finance, contributed to Johnson’s Encyclopaedia. He is a member of the Century Association and the Reform Club, of New York, and of the Graduates’ Club of New Haven. On October 5, 1893, he married Edith Aurelia Fisher of the last named city.

Source: General Joshua L. Chamberlain (editor-in-chief), Universities and Their Sons, Vol. II. Boston: R. Herndon (1899), p. 545.

___________________________

Who’s Who in New England

SCHWAB, John Christopher, librarian; b. New York, Apr. 1, 1865; s. Gustav and Eliza Catharine (von Post) Schwab; brother of Gustav Henry Schwab; A.B., Yale, 1886, A.M., 1888; U. of Berlin, 1887-8; A.M., Ph.D., Göttingen, 1889; m. Edith A. Fisher, of Cincinnati, O., Oct. 5, 1893; 2 children, Katherine F., Norman von P. Instr. Polit. economy, 1890-3, asst. prof., 1893-8, prof., 1898-1905, librarian, 1905—, Yale U. Editor Yale Review, 1892—. Mem. Am. Econ. Assn., British Econ. Assn., Mass. Hist. Soc. (corr.), A.L.A., etc. Mem. Co. F, 2d Regt., Conn. N.G., 1891-4. Episcopalian. Clubs: Century (New York), Graduates’ (New Haven). Author: History of New York Property Tax, 1880; The Confederate States of America, 1901. Contbr. to hist. revs. and mags. Recreations: traveling. Address: 310 Prospect St., New Haven, Conn.

 

Source:   Who’s Who in New England, (2nd ed.). Chicago: A. N. Marquis & Company (1916), p. 950.

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Yale Obituary Record

JOHN CHRISTOPHER SCHWAB, 1865-1916; B.A. 1886

Born April 1,1865, in New York City
Died January 12, 1916, in New Haven, Conn.

John Christopher Schwab, son of Gustav Schwab, of the firm of Oelrichs & Company, was born April 1, 1865, in New York City, being named for his great-grandfather, a privy counsellor of Stuttgart, Germany. His paternal grandparents were Gustav Schwab, a German poet of note, and Sophie (Gmelin) Schwab. His mother was Catherine Elizabeth, daughter of Laurence Henry and Henrietta Margaretta (Meier) Von Post. Through her, he was descended from Heinrich Melchior Mühlenberg, the chief founder of the Lutheran Church in America.

He was fitted for Yale under private tutors and at Gibbons’ and Beach’s School in New York City. He received several prizes in English and Latin composition, High Oration appointments, and was a member of Phi Beta Kappa in college. As a Sophomore, he sang on his Class Glee Club, and the next year he was a member of the Second Glee Club. He was an editor of the Courant in his Senior year.

He remained at Yale for a year of post-graduate study in political economy after taking the degree of BA, in 1886, and during this period was also an instructor in German at the Hopkins Grammar School. In July, 1887, he went to Europe, and after spending the summer in travel, entered the University of Berlin. His studies for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy were completed at the University of Göttingen in 1889, and he then returned to the United States and spent some time in historical research in the libraries of New York City. He had received an M.A. in course at Yale in 1888. In the fall of 1890, he took up his work as lecturer in political economy at the University, being made an instructor in that department in the following year. He was promoted to an assistant professorship in 1893, and to a full professorship five years afterwards.

In 1905, after seven years of service in that capacity, Professor Schwab was chosen University librarian, and the remainder of his life was devoted to the upbuilding of the Library. A member of the University Council since his appointment as librarian, he had served for some years on the Council’s Committee on Publications, in connection with the work of the University Press. In 1901, he supervised the arrangements for the Yale Bicentennial as chairman of the committee in charge of the celebration. He was a frequent contributor to historical journals and magazines, and at one time was editor of the Yale Review. “The Finances of the Confederate States of America,” published by Professor Schwab in 1901, is considered a valuable addition in the field of economic history. He was elected Secretary of the Yale Class of 1886 in 1905, and held that office until his death. To the work of civic betterment in New Haven, professor Schwab gave much of his attention, and at the time of his death he was serving as secretary and treasurer of the social settlement known as Lowell House. He was also president of the Model Housing Association of New Haven. He was on the board of trustees of the New Haven Public Library and a member of St. Paul’s Protestant Episcopal Church, of whose Sunday school he was at one time superintendent, and for several years served in Company F, Second Regiment, Connecticut National Guard. He was a trustee of Mount Holyoke College, and in 1913 was on the committee which arranged the pageant held in celebration of the seventy-fifth anniversary of its founding. He was a member of the American and British Economic associations, the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, the American Library Association, and of the Century Club of New York. In 1911, he received from Mühlenberg College the honorary degree of LL.D.

Professor Schwab’s death occurred unexpectedly at his home in New Haven, January 12, 1916, after a brief illness from pneumonia. He was buried in Grove Street Cemetery in that city.

On October 5, 1893, he was married in New Haven to Edith Aurelia, daughter of Samuel Sparks Fisher, upon whom Yale conferred an honorary degree in 1851, and Aurelia Safford (Crossette) Fisher. She survives him with their two children: Katharine Fisher, a student at Vassar, and Norman Von Post. He leaves also two brothers and three sisters, one of the latter being the widow of Henry Charles White (B.A 1881, LL.B. 1883, M.L. 1884). Another brother, Laurence Henry, graduated from the College in 1878. Gustav Schwab (B.A. 1902) and Laurence Von Post Schwab (B.A. 1913) are nephews.

Source:  Yale University Archives. Guide to the John Christopher Schwab Family Papers.

 

Image Source: John Christopher Schwab. General Joshua L. Chamberlain (editor-in-chief), Universities and Their Sons, Vol. II. Boston: R. Herndon (1899), p. 545.

 

 

Categories
Bibliography Chicago Columbia Yale

Chicago. French/German/Italian Public Finance Bibliography. Bloch, ca. 1944

 

The backstory to the following list of French, German, and Italian works on public finance that was given to students at the University of Chicago sometime in the early to mid-1940s is illustrative of the forensic effort to prepare such posts. 

Henry Simon Bloch (1915-1988)  was born in Kehl (Germany) and emigrated to the U.S. in 1937 after having received his doctorate from the University of Nancy for a dissertation on Carl Menger.  I ran across two bibliographies he had put together in the files of Robert M. Haig at Columbia University. Both cover letters were written by Bloch on University of Chicago economics department stationary. The bibliography transcribed for this post came without a date, but the course number and senior faculty member,  Simon Leland, were easy to confirm. Still, Bloch only appears once or twice in the departmental list of faculty (at the rank of instructor), but never actually listed as an instructor for Economics 360 “Government Finance”.    

Bloch left Chicago in 1945 about the same time that Oskar Lange did. Because Bloch wrote in the cover letter to the bibliography below that it hardly seemed as though four years had passed since he had visited New York and his other bibliography had been mailed in January 1940, it seems reasonable to assume that the today’s list was sent in 1944.

Last speculation: in the New York Times obituary linked above it mentions that Bloch was honorary associate fellow of Berkeley College of Yale University. Robert Triffin  was master of that residential college at Yale from 1969 until 1977. This likely connection is perhaps related to Bloch’s honorary doctorate from the Universite Libre de Bruxelles?

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 Partial timeline
of Henry Simon Bloch

1915. Born April 6 in Kehl, Germany.
1937.  Dr. en Droit (Econ) at the University of Nancy with the dissertation La théorie des besoins de Carl Menger.
1937. Emigration to the United States.

University of Chicago

1938. Research assistant.
1941-42. Lecturer, Institute for Military Studies.
1943. Instructor economics, Institute for Military Studies.
1943-45. Research supervisor, Civil Affairs Training School (CATS) for Army and Navy Officers.

1945. Consultant, Foreign Economics Administration.
1945-46. Economist, Treasury Department.
1946. Member Treasury delegate for tax treaty negotiations, Treasury Department, France, United Kingdom, Benelux.
1947-49. Section chief, United Nations.

[gap to be filled]

1955. Visiting professor economics Yale University.
1955-62. Director fiscal and financial branch, United Nations.
1958-1959. Acting director, Bureau Economics Affairs.
1959-1962. Director, Bureau Technology Assistance.
1961-1962. Deputy commissioner for technical assistance, Bureau Technology Assistance.
1962-1966. President, Zinder International Ltd.
1967-1970. Vice-president, director, Engineer of Mines Warburg & Company, Inc.
1970-1975. Senior vice president, Engineer of Mines Warburg, Pincus & Company, Inc.
1976-1981. Executive vice president, Engineer of Mines Warburg, Pincus & Company, Inc.
1982-1988. Managing director, Engineer of Mines Warburg, Pincus & Company, Inc.
1988. Died in Manhattan, February 28.

Columbia University

Lecturer, 1955-1963.
Adjunct Professor law and international relations, 1963-1985.
Professor emeritus, 1985-1988.
Member international advisory board School International and Public Affairs, 1986-1988.

Source:   From the Henry Simon Bloch page at the Prabook website of biographies of professionals.

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Budget and Appointment Recommendations 1944-45
February 21, 1944
Economics Department
Item 16

It is recommended that the appointment of Henry S. Bloch as instructor [10/1/1943-9/30/44, $3,600] be renewed [10/1/44 to 9/30/45, $3,600]. Bloch at present is devoting his time exclusively to the CATS program, where his salary is charged. Should that training program be liquidated, Bloch’s services can be transferred immediately to Departmental teaching, research, and assistance in advising students. During the past year such needs have arisen, but because of the demands of the miitary program Bloch has not been able to assist the Department in its civilian program. Attention is called to the fact that Bloch’s salary is on a four-quarter basis.

Source:  University of Chicago Archives. Records of the Hutchins Administration, Office of the President, Box 284, Folder “Economics , 1943-47”.

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Course Description 1944-45

[Economics] 360. Government Finance. A survey course covering the main topics dealt with in standard treatises, but emphasizing analysis of the economic effects of various fiscal practices. Prereq: Two years’ work in the Division of the Social Sciences, or equiv. But: MWF 8; Leland.

Source:  Annual Register of the University of Chicago. Announcements: The College and the Divisions, Sessions of 1944-45. Volume XLIV, No. 8 (May 15, 1944), p. 279.

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The University of Chicago
Department of Economics
Oct 1

Dear Professor Haig,

I thought this might be of interest to you. It is just a list for our students.

It seems as if I had seen you only yesterday and when I was out at Riverdale it seemed as if there had not been more than 4 years interval. It was so nice.

I assume that you met Oscar Lange in the meanwhile.

Regards,

Henri.

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Economics 360
SELECTED LIST OF FRENCH, GERMAN AND ITALIAN WORKS ON PUBLIC FINANCE

by
S. E. Leland and H. S. Bloch

Authors of the French language group

Allix, E. Traité élémentaire de science des finances et de législation financière française, 4th ed., 1921. Paris, 1931.

Allix, E., and Lecerclé, M. L’impôt sur le revenu. Paris, 1927.

Colson, Clément. Les finances publiques et le budget de la France. Cours d’économie politique, vol. v (2d rev. ed.). Paris, 1931.

De Greeff, Guillaume. L’économie publique et la science des finances. Bruxelles, 1907.

Denis, M. H. L’Impôt sur le revenu. Brussels, 1881.

Garnier, Joseph. Traité de Finance, 3d ed. Paris, 1872.

Jèze, Gaston. Cours élémentaire de science des finances et de législation financière française. Paris, 1912.

__________. Cours de science des finances (Théorie de l’impôt). 1936/37.

__________. Cours de finances publiques. Théories générales sur les phénomènes financiers, les dépenses publiques, le crédit public, les taxes, l’impôt. Paris, 1931.

__________. Théorie générale du budget. Paris, 1922.

__________. Cours élémentaire de science des finances et de législation financière française. Paris, 1932.

__________. Cours de science de finances et de législation financière française. Technique du Crédit Public. Paris, 1923.

__________. «Le rôle du ministre des finances dans une démocratie, » Revue de Science et de Législation Financières, Vol. XXVII (1929), pp. 7-24.

__________. Le remboursement des emprunts publics d’état. Paris, 1927.

Jèze-Boucard, M. Éléments de la science des finances et de la législation financière française, 2 vols. 1902.

Leroy-Beaulieu, Paul. Traité de la science des finances. 2 vols. 1899.

Marion, Marcel. Histoire financière de la France, depuis 1715, 6 vols. Paris, 1914/1931.

Marquis de Mirabeau. Théorie de l’impôt. 1760.

Say, Jean Baptiste. Cours complet d’économie politique pratique. 1828-9.

Say, Léon. Les finances. Paris, 1892.

__________. Dictionnaire des finances, 2 vols. Paris : Nancy, 1891/1894.

__________. Les Solutions démocratiques de l’impôt. 1886.

Stourm, R. Cours des finances. 1906.

__________. Le budget. Tr. in English—The Budget. 1917.

Trotabas, L. Précis de science et législation financières. Paris, 1936.

Vauban. Dixme royale. 1707.

Walras, L. Théorie critique de l’impôt. Paris, 1861.

 

Authors of the German language group

Büsch, Johann Georg. Abhandlung vom dem Geldumlauf in anhaltender Rücksicht auf die Staatswirtschaft und Handlung. Hamburg, 1780. [2nd edition, 1800]

Cohn, Gustav. Finanzwissenschaft, 1889. The Science of Finance (tr. by T. B. Veblen). Chicago, 1895.

__________. System der Finanzwissenschaft. 1889.

Colm, G. Volkswirtschaftliche Theorie der Staatsausgaben. Tuebingen, 1927.

Eheberg, Karl. Finanzwissenschaft, 18th ed. Berlin, 1930.

Földes, B. Finanzwissenschaft. 1920.

Gerloff, W. Steuerwirtschaft und Sozialismus. Leipzig, 1922.

Gerloff, W., and Meisel, F. Handbuch der Finanzwissenschaft. Tübingen, 1926.

Goldscheid, Rudolf. Handbuch der Finanzwissenschaft. Tübingen, 1926.

Hock, Karl V. Öffentliche Abgaben und Schulden. 1862.

Jecht, Horst. Wesen und Formen der Finanzwissenschaft. Jena, 1928.

Jèze-Neumark, F. Allgemeine Theorie des Budgets. 1927.

Lindahl, E. R. Die Gerechtigkeit der Besteuerung. Lund, 1919.

Lotz, W. Finanzwissenschaft. 1917.

Mann, Fritz Karl. « Steuerpolitische ideale, » Finanzwissenschaftliche Forschungen. Jena, 1937.

__________. Deutsche Finanzwirtschaft. Jena, 1929.

Moll, Bruno. Lehrbuch der Finanzwissenschaft. Berlin, 1930.

Nebenius, Karl Friedrich. Der öffentliche Kredit. 1820.

Neumark, Fritz. Reichshaushaltplan. 1929.

Rau, Karl. Lehrbuch der politischen Oekonomie. 1826-37.

Ritschl, Hans. Theorie der Staatswirthschaft und Besteuerung. Bonn, 1925.

Sax, Emil. Grundlegung der theoretischen Staatswirtschaft. Vienna, 1887.

Schaeffle, Albert, E.F. Die Steuern. Leipzig, 1895.

Roscher, Wilhelm. System der Finanzwissenschaft. 1886.

Schanz, G. V. Der Einkommensbegriff und die Einkommensteuergesetze, Finanzarchiv. 1896.

Stein, L. V. Lehrbuch der Finanzwissenschaft, 4 vols. 5th ed. 1885/1886.

Sultan, H. Die Staatseinnahmen: Versuch einer soziologischen Finanztheorie als Teil einer Theorie der politischen Oekonomie. 1932.

Tehralle, Fritz. Finanzwissenschaft. Jena, 1930.

Teschemacher, Hans. Handbuch der Finanzwissenschaft. Tübingen, 1927.

Wagner, A. Finanzwissenschaft. 1889.

Wicksell, K. Finanztheoretische Untersuchungen. Jena, 1896.

 

Authors of Italian language group

Barone, Enrico. Principii di economia finanziaria. Rome, 1920.

Conigliani, Carlo. De diritto pubblico nei sistemi finanziari; Studi di teoria finanziaria; e’indrezzo teorico nella Scienza finanziaria. Turin, 1903.

__________. Le leggi scientiche della finanza. 1903.

Cossa, L. “Scienze delle finanze”—Translated excerpts, by H. White. Taxation: Its principles and methods. New York and London, 1893.

Del Vecchio, Gusatavo. Lezioni di scienze delle finanze, 2d ed. Padua, 1923.

De Viti de Marco. Il carattero teorico della economia finanziaria. 1890.

De Viti de Marco, Antonio. Principii di economia finanziaria. Turin, 1934. Translation: First Principles of Public Finance, by Edith Pavlo Marget. New York, 1936.

Einaudi, L. Corso di scienza della finanza, 3rd ed. Turin, 1914.

__________. Principii di scienza della finanza. Turin, 1932.

Fasolis, G. Scienza delle finanze e diritto finanziario. 1933.

Flora, F. Manuale della scienze delle finanze, 6th ed. 1921.

Graziani, A. Istituzioni di scienza delle finanze. Torino, 1897.

Griziotti, B. Considerazioni sui metodi; limiti e problemi della Scienze pure delle Finanze. 1912. Pp. 39.

__________. Principii di politica, diritto e scienza delle tinanze. 1929.

__________. Studi di diritto tributario. 1931.

Loria, Achille. The Economic Synthesis: A study of the laws of income. Tr. by Eden Paul. London, 1914.

Mazzola. Dati scientifica della finanza pubblica. 1890.

Murray, Roberto. Principi fondamentali di scienza pura delle finanze. 1914.

Nitti, F. S. Principi di scienze delle finanze, 5th ed. Rome, 1922.

Pantaleoni, Moffea. Teoria della pressione tributaria. 1887.

Pareto, Vilfredo. “I debiti pubblici dopo la guerra,” (Rivista di Scienze Bancaria—February-March, 1916), Fatti e Teorie, p. 57-62. Firenze, 1920.

Pugliese, Mario. L’imposizione delle imprese di carattere internazionale. 1930.

Ricca-Salerno, G. Scienza della finanze. 1888.

__________. Storia delle Dottrine Finanziane in Italia. Translated. Rome, 1881.

__________.History of Fiscal Doctrines in Italy. Translated. 1890.

Rignano, Eugenio. Social Significance of the Inheritance Tax. Translated by Wm. J. Shultz. New York, 1924.

Rignano, Eucenid. Una Riforma socialista del diritto successorio. Bologna. 1920.

Roncali, A. Corso elementari di scienza finanziaria. Parma, 1887.

Tangorra, V. Trattato di Scienza delle Finanza.

Vanoni, Ezio. Natura ed interpretazione delle leggi tributarie. 1932.

 

Source: Columbia University Archive. Robert M. Haig Papers. Box 16, Folder “Bibliography”.

Image Source: Social Science Research Building. University of Chicago Photographic Archive, apf2-07466, Special Collections Research Center, University of Chicago Library.