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Chicago Economists Faculty Regulations

Chicago. No French, no Economics Ph.D. Case of Robert Russ Kern, 1909

This post provides a case demonstrating that the foreign language requirement for getting a Ph.D. in economics at the University of Chicago was indeed a constraint during the first decade of the 20th century. At the time a reading knowledge of French and German was required for admission to Ph.D. degree candidacy. In the following transcribed letter (June 2, 1909) to President Harry Pratt Judson, the Dean of the Graduate School of Arts and Literature, sociology professor Albion Woodbury Small, recounted his encounter with a political economy graduate student, Robert Russ Kern, whose self-confessed lack of French reading skills had disqualified him from admission to his planned Ph.D. examination in economics and psychology.

It turns out that Kern never received a Ph.D. from the University of Chicago or in fact anywhere else. This was reason enough to don my historian’s gumshoes and find out where Robert Russ Kern came from and how his post-Chicago career turned out. But first I’ll put into the record the letter from the University of Chicago archives that caught my attention.

Fun fact: in 1909 one apparently wrote “ ‘phone” with a leading apostrophe.

Fun with old photos: this is the first post at Economics in the Rear-view Mirror that provides a colorised black and white image from yore.

[Handwritten: June 2-09]

The President,
My dear Chief:

I do not remember that I have ever had a more painful scene in the Graduate Office than occurred this morning with Mr. Kern. In a word Mr. Kern was expecting to take his examination for the Doctor’s degree in Economics and Psychology tomorrow. At the last meeting of the Graduate Faculty it was voted that he be allowed to take the examination, provided the Examiner and the Dean were meanwhile assured that he had complied substantially with our requirement. Yesterday Mr. Williamson reported to me that Mr. Kern confessed to him that he had forgotten all the French he ever knew, but asked him to certify to his knowledge of French. I thereupon notified Mr. Kern that as he could not satisfy our French requirement his admission to the examination was automatically closed. This morning he came to my office in a very intense state of mind, to express it within limits, and as I summed up for him his demands it was that the University should substitute its judgment for his of what was a reasonable requirement for a Doctor’s degree. He stated that for years it had been notorious that men had been passed by the French Department without knowing any more French than he does. When I asked him if he was willing to present evidence to support that statement he declined on the ground that it would make trouble for men still in the University. I told him that it was beyond my power to do anything if I wanted to in the face of the plain statement of fact about his knowledge of French. I told him further, however, that if he would put in writing any statement which he was willing to lay before the President I would put it in your hands today. I told him however that I saw no way in which you could feel called upon to interfere with the regular operation of our rules, but that he would hear from you if you saw any way to deal more favorably with his case.
I have talked over the ‘phone since the interview with Mr. Laughlin and he agrees with me that it would be a demoralizing variation from our precedents to withdraw from the position the rules required me to take. I have therefore sent the following notice to the members of the examining committee “Unless you receive word from the President reversing this decision, Mr. Kern’s examination will not be held Thursday, June 3rd.”

Sincerely,
[signed] Small

Source: University of Chicago Archives. Office of the President. Harper, Judson, and Burton Administrations. Records. Box 38. Folder „Dean of Graduate School, 1909-20. 38/12 Pres.“

The Life and Career
of Robert Russ Kern

Life Data

Robert Russ Kern was born in Kansas City, Missouri on April 9, 1878 (date from draft registration) and died April 19, 1958 in Washington, D.C.

From his obituary in the April 20, 1958 edition of the Sunday Star (Washington, D.C.), p. 34 we also learn the following professional and personal facts:

Phi Beta Kappa at the University of Missouri.
Surviving wife, Jeanette G. Kern, and daughter, Jean Russ Kern.
He retired from George Washington University in 1934.

About his wife: Jeanette Kern, née Geschickter, graduated in 1912 with an A.B. from GWU.  They married June 10, 1912 in the District of Columbia.

University of Missouri Years
(A.B. 1905)

Rollins Junior scholarship winner 1903-1904. Kern “made a higher average grade since his entrance to the university than any other student in the last ten years. He is said to be the best student of philosophy in the history of the university.”
Kansas City Star, June 2, 1904, p. 5.

Some uncertainty whether he would be the valedictorian of his class because he was confined in Parker Memorial Hospital for three weeks and unable to take final examinations. St. Joseph News Press (June 5, 1905), p. 5.

Valedictorian of the academic department of the University of Missouri. St. Louis Post-Dispatch, June 8, 1905, p. 10.

Cornell University Year

Graduate student at Cornell in 1907.
Source: Cornell Alumni Directory (May 15, 1922) p. 175

University of Chicago Years

Robert Russ Kern, graduate student in the department of political economy

Fellow (1907-08)
Assistant in Political Economy (1908-09)

Source: Twenty-five years of the Department of Political Economy (1916).

From the fifth list of dissertations in progress:

Robert Russ Kern, University of Chicago. The formation of the prices of consumers’ goods (probable date of completion, 1908). The Economic Bulletin, vol I, Nr. 1 (April 1908), p. 73.

From the sixth list of dissertations in progress

Robert Russ Kern, University of Chicago. Industrial finance (probably date of completion, 1909). The Economic Bulletin, vol II, Nr. 1 (April 1909), p. 21.

George Washington University Years

Instructor of Economics (listed as “Dr. (sic) Kern”) in 1909.

George Washington University Bulletin (1909), p. 13 “Robert R. Kern, Ph.D (sic)…..Instructor in Economics
Dr. (sic) Kern graduated at the University of Missouri, taught in Columbia University (Note: I have not verified his Columbia University affiliation) and Cornell University and came to this University from the Chicago University.”

Listed  in George Washington University Bulletin as Professor of Economics and Sociology only with a A.B. (1920)

Professor of Urban Sociology, GWU.

Publications

The Supervision of the Social Order. The American Journal of Sociology, 1918/1919
Part IPart II.

The Super City. The World‘s Most Efficient and Beautiful City. Washington, D.C., 1924. By Robert Russ Kern, Professor of Economics and Sociology in the George Washington University.

Image Source: University of Missouri, The MU Yearbook Savitar (1905), p. 23. Colorized by Economics in the Rear-view Mirror.

Categories
Chicago Economists Johns Hopkins

Chicago. The Edward W. Bemis controversy, 1895

 

 

 

This post turns out to include nearly twenty pages worth of artifacts bearing on the so-called Bemis controversy at the University of Chicago in 1895. Edward W. Bemis was a student of Richard T. Ely at Johns Hopkins University where he earned a Ph.D. in 1885 with the thesis “Local Government in Michigan and the Northwest.” Bemis was an early hire for the University Extension division at the University of Chicago, teaching courses in economics and sociology. I originally intended only posting three newspaper articles that presented claims and counterclaims regarding the grounds for his controversial dismissal. This academic affair was framed by the press as one of academic freedom being attacked by money-interests. The closer I looked at the case, the more complicated it seemed. 

Once I gathered most of the artifacts transcribed below, I looked for secondary literature and found Harold E. Bergquist Jr.’s “The Edward W. Bemis Controversy at the University of Chicago” published in the AAUP Bulletin, Vol. 58, No. 4 (Dec., 1972), pp. 384-393. Looking at essentially the same material, Bergquist concluded that Bemis’s views on labor and municipal gas monopolies attracted so much negative attention that Chicago president William R. Harper chose to sacrifice the lone-scholar Bemis in the interests of the university. Compared to other attacks on academic freedom from about the same time at Stanford (Ross) and Wisconsin (Ely), the Bemis incident appears to me to be far-more of an in-house affair where the merit assessments of an individual professor and the institutional powers have significantly diverged.

Following a few biographical items, I present a roughly chronological set of artifacts that reveal the complexity of this one man’s academic fate. For what it is worth, I see the tale to be ultimately one of rejection of a Richard T. Ely transplant into the Chicago host departments. The university department heads of political economy (J. Laurence Laughlin) and sociology (AlbionW.  Small) thought well enough of Bemis for the adult-education and outreach Extension program but didn’t really want him in their own departmental backyards. Bemis’ positions on labor disputes and municipal gas monopolies certainly attracted the displeasure of the actual and potential donors to the University of Chicago, but their displeasure appears much less important than the fact that Bemis had not been particularly successful in generating income for the infant university extension program as originally hoped.

For background a convenient first-stop: Edward W. Bemis, 1860-1930 at the History of Economic Thought Website. Includes a list of major works.

RESEARCH TIP:   The Guide to the University of Chicago Office of the President, Harper, Judson and Burton Administrations Records 1869-1925  includes links to scans of the documents.

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Biographical Notes on Edward W. Bemis
Western Reserve Historical Society

BEMIS, EDWARD W. (7 Apr. 1860-25 Sept. 1930), a college professor, expert on public taxation, and proponent of municipal ownership, was a political ally of TOM L. JOHNSON, serving as superintendent of the Cleveland Water Works from 1901-09. Born in Springfield, Mass., Bemis, son of Daniel W. and Mary W. Tinker Bemis, was educated at Amherst College (A.B., 1880; A.M., 1884) and Johns Hopkins (Ph.D., 1885), studying history and economics. He reportedly taught the first university extension course in America, at Buffalo, N.Y., in 1885, then taught economics at Amherst (1885-86); Vanderbilt (1888-92); the University of Chicago (1892-95), which he had to leave because of his “radical” views; and Kansas State Agricultural College (1897-99). Bemis prolifically wrote about local government, tax policy, municipal ownership of utilities, working conditions, labor strikes, trade unions, socialism, and religion and social problems.

Tom Johnson gave Bemis an opportunity to enact his reforms as head of the municipal waterworks, a department described as “a nest of party hacks.” Bemis replaced the spoils system with the merit system, unleashing protests from both the department and the local Democratic organization. Bemis ran the department in a businesslike manner, installing a record 70,000 meters and reducing rates. The elimination of graft and incompetent workers enabled completion of the water-intake tunnel. Bemis also crusaded for higher tax evaluations on properties owned by utilities and railroads. After 1909, Bemis moved to New York City, where he served in similar capacities and worked as a consultant.

Married on 28 Oct. 1889 to Annie L. Sargent, Bemis had three children: Walter S., Alice L., and Lloyde E. Bemis died in Springfield, MO and was buried in New York City.

Source:  Bemis, Edward W. in Encyclopedia of Cleveland History.

*  *  *  *  *

From the 1911 Encyclopaedia Britannica

BEMIS, EDWARD WEBSTER (1860-[1930]), American economist, was born at Springfield, Massachusetts, on the 7th of April 1860. He was educated at Amherst and Johns Hopkins University. He held the professorship of history and political economy in Vanderbilt University from 1887 to 1892, was associate professor of political economy in the university of Chicago from 1892 to 1895, and assistant statistician to the Illinois bureau of labour statistics, 1896. In 1901 he became superintendent of the Cleveland water works. He wrote much on municipal government, his more important works being some chapters in History of Co-operation in the United States (1888); Municipal Ownership of Gas in the U.S. (1891); Municipal Monopolies (1899).

Source: 1911 Encyclopaedia Britannica Vol. 3, p. 714.

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A handwritten letter from J. Laurence Laughlin to President William R. Harper, August 1893

 

Beaver River Station,
via Herkimer, N.Y.
Aug. 31, 1893

My dear President Harper,

Yours of 29that hand.

The real difficulty in re Bemis, is that (1) he was acquiesced in solely for University Extension work, and I never for a moment thought of him as holding a permanent position in the regular officers of instruction. And (2) at that time also you emphasized the clear line of demarcation between the Extension Dep’ts & the University—proper. Now, nothing has occurred to change these two things. But from a desire for “uniformity” simply, a move is made which, in the judgment of a Head-Professor seriously impairs the morale of his department. It is my duty to enter my protest, both as a matter of policy & principle. (1) I do not believe Bemis is a man of such value to you that he is worth the injuring of a department. Consequently I suggest that he be transferred to another department. Would it not be perfectly easy to put both his courses into Social Science? Bemis really wishes to lecture on Labor etc rather than on Trades Unions etc., & the Labor course might go under Soc. Sci.—if Small does not object. Then, I have no objection to his remaining in charge of the Extension work in Economics; although I do not believe he is competent to treat a difficult economic problem. (2) Is it fair to hold a head-professor responsible for the working of his department if action is taken contrary to his judgment? In this case, I think your are unwittingly doing us harm; and consequently, I must ask to be relieved of settling questions arising from it, or of responsibility for the efficiency of the work. Of course, if it is your policy to take on yourself a large part of the responsibility hitherto laid on the head-professor, and yourself to watch many of the details, that is another matter; no doubt, you can do it far better than I. Only we should clearly understand what you expect me to do. I need not say it would be a great relief to have these matters taken off my mind; then I could occupy myself entirely with my own economic studies.

I am very sorry indeed to trouble you with this matter; but I should be disloyal to you and to the University if I did not point out the dangers inherent in this case. It is no easy matter to keep in harmonious adjustment the work and careers of six or seven men in a new department, as you will be the first to appreciate.

Very sincerely yours,

Laurence Laughlin

 

Source:   University of Chicago. Office of the President. Harper, Judson and Burton Administrations. Records, Box 57, Folder #13 “Laughlin, J. Laurence, 1892-1917”, Special Collections Research Center, University of Chicago.

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Bad news from Harper to Bemis
January 1894

Office of the President

The University of Chicago
Founded by John D. Rockefeller

Chicago January 1894

Copy.

My dear Prof. Bemis:-

I write you this letter because I think I can state what is in my mind more easily in writing than in conversation. You will remember that I was very anxious to have you take hold of the work with us in the University, and you will recall the battle I had with some of our gentlemen in reference to it, a battle fought and won. I counted upon great results from the Extension work, and I hoped that as time passed there would be opportunities for your doing a larger amount of work in the University Proper. As matters now stand the Extension work has been this year largely a failure so far as you are concerned, and instead of the opportunity becoming better on your part for work in the University Proper, the doors seem to be closing. You will perhaps be surprised, but it is necessary for me to say that it does not seem best for us to look forward to your coming more definitely into the work of the University Proper. After a long consideration of the matter, and a study of all circumstances; looking at it too from your point of view and with a view to your interests, I am persuaded that in the long run you can do in another institution because of the peculiar circumstances here, a better and more satisfactory work to yourself than you can do here. I am very sorry to say this, for as I need not assure you, I am personally very much attached both to you and to Mrs. Bemis. You are, however, man of the world enough to know that unless one is in the best environment, he cannot work to the best advantage. You are so well known and your ability so widely recognized that there will surely be no difficulty in securing for you a good position, one in which you will be monarch, and one in which you will be above all things else independent. I wish to say that I will do all I can, and I think I can do much to help you in this matter, and I beg you to understand that I have come to this conclusion after much study and with greatest reluctance. If you will accept this and allow me to help you, I am sure that we can arrange matters in a first rate way. The interests of all I think would be conserved if the new arrangement could be made for the year beginning July 1stor Oct 1st. I shall be very glad to meet you, not to discuss this, for I think it best to call it settled, but to discuss the question of your future work, in which I wish to express the deepest interest. You will, I am confident, distinguish in your mind between the official act which I am compelled to perform, and the personal attitude which I wish now and always to assume toward you. I should be glad to see you at your earliest convenience.

Yours very truly,

Source:   University of Chicago. Office of the President. Harper, Judson and Burton Administrations. Records, Box 11, Folder #4 “Bemis, Edward W., 1892-1895”, Special Collections Research Center, University of Chicago.

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Handwritten letter from Bemis to Harper
July 1994

5835 Drexel St.

July 23-94

My dear President Harper!

Having been informed today on second hand but apparently trustworthy authority that some of the authorities (trustees I assume) of our University are displeased with what they suppose has been my attitude in this great RR strike, I write to correct any possible false reports.

I wrote a letter to Mr. Debs just before the strike urging him, for I knew him slightly, not to have the strike.

Then when all the trades were considering the propriety of a general strike in the city I spent several hours in trying to dissuade the leaders of some of the unions. Later when the officers of many national unions came here to consider the further extension of the strike I feel sure I contributed to strengthening the resolution of Pres’t Gompers & Sec’y Evans of the American Federation of Labor not to participate.

In every way have I tried to calm the troubled waters, while making use of the opportunity to urge upon large employers a conciliatory Christ-like attitude & the recognition of the trusteeship of wealth as suggested in the parable of the ten talents, and endorsed by modern philosophy.

I realize how easily in times of ferment one’s views may be misquoted as were yours last winter & trust you will believe me ever determined to be both scientific and judicial though earnest in treating these great problems & that you will always wait to hear both sides before judging.

Very sincerely yours

[signed]
Edward W. Bemis

 

Source:   University of Chicago. Office of the President. Harper, Judson and Burton Administrations. Records, Box 11, Folder #4 “Bemis, Edward W., 1892-1895”, Special Collections Research Center, University of Chicago.

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From handwritten letter from J. Laurence Laughlin to President William R. Harper, Aug 1894

Newman, N. Y.
Aug. 6, 1894

Dear Pres. Harper,

[…]

This recalls Bemis. I fear the affair in Dr. Barrows’ church has been a last straw to some good friends of the University, like A. A. Sprague. And in antagonizing Pres. Hughitt he is quaking very hard the establishment of a great railway interest in the University. And Bemis is wholly one-sided on this railway question. I have looked into it, but I could do nothing without throwing out all his railway lectures. This was sometime ago. At every turn in Chicago, in July, I heard indignant remarks about Bemis, & I had nothing whatever to do in introducing the subject. I know you have done what seemed best to stop him; and Small has told me regretfully how he somewhat spoiled your arrangement; but in my opinion, the duty to the good name of the University now transcends any soft-heartedness to an individual. I do not now see how we can escape saving ourselves except by letting the public know that he goes because we do not regard him as up to the standards of the University in ability and scientific methods. It would have been better for him to have gone quietly. You probably know he told Small that his hold on the working classes was so strong that the University dare not drop him—or something to that purpose. I believe you will find the Extension men of my opinion—certainly Mr. Butler.

At any rate, I see Bemis is no longer in my department: and I understand that his economic lectures will not be announced next year by the Extension Division. The labor subjects will be covered by Brooks. As regards the money lectures, I have a suggestion. How would it do to tie to us in this way Prof. Kinley, of the University of Illinois? Is it feasible? Could he not be asked to give 6 or 12 lectures on money, appear in our list as an Extension lectures, & yet hold his position at Champaign? His work is of a radically different kind from Bemis’, & yet he was one of Ely’s men. You can also get Miller’s idea of Kinley. I quite like him; & he would, I think, welcome getting closer to us. His book on the “Independent Treasury” is quite good. This is only a suggestion. If it is worthless—then better no lectures at all on money than those Bemis gives.

[…]

Sincerely yours,
Laurence Laughlin

Source:   University of Chicago. Office of the President. Harper, Judson and Burton Administrations. Records, Box 57, Folder #13 “Laughlin, J. Laurence, 1892-1917”, Special Collections Research Center, University of Chicago.

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From “Prof. Bemis’ Secret Out.”
Chicago, Ill., Aug. 17 [1895]
(Special Correspondence to The Voice]

… “President Harper and certain wealthy trustees of the university have at sundry times indicated to Professor Bemis that while his work was not radical nor inappropriate for universities in general, there were inflections of truth which the University of Chicago could utter more gracefully and sincerely than the principles of practical economics. It was not desirable, they intimated, for this institution, with its own particular way of being born and nurtured, to be in close touch either with the labor question or with municipal and monopoly problems.

In the presence of Professor Bemis’ success as a member of the university faculty, and in the absence of any enlightenment as to the cause of his “resignation,” people generally have had the effrontery to imagine that the fact that the president of the big Standard Oil Combine has been a heavy benefactor of the university, has in some way had something to do with the peculiar pedagogical disability hinted at from time to time by President Harper.

But members, attachés of the University of Chicago, are not the only persons who have been unable to appreciate the naïve and reckless manner in which Professor Bemis has neglected to obscure the facts of the new political economy. The manager of the consolidated gas companies of this city refused, a short time ago, to allow to the university the customary reduction in gas rates, because Professor Bemis was a member of the faculty. A prominent officer of the largest gas trust in this country—a trust controlling the gas supply in over 40 cities—said to Professor Bemis not long ago: “Professor Bemis, we can’t and don’t intend to tolerate your work any longer. It means millions to us. And if we can’t convert you, we’re going to down you.” Such intellectual discharges, considered in connection with President Harper’s eloquent silence and capital’s fraternal relations to the university, are not absolutely meaningless…”

 

Source:   University of Chicago. Office of the President. Harper, Judson and Burton Administrations. Records, Box 11, Folder #4 “Bemis, Edward W., 1892-1895”, Special Collections Research Center, University of Chicago.

 

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President Harper’s Statement
From a Convocation Address at the University of Chicago, Oct. 1 [1895]

From the beginning the university has believed in the policy of appointing to positions in the same department men who represent different points of view. No instructor in the university has been or will be asked to separate himself from the university because his views upon a particular question differ from those of another member of the same department, even though that member be the head.

From the beginning of the university, there has never been an occasion for condemning the utterances of any professor upon any subject, nor has any objection been taken in any case to the teachings of a professor, and in reference to the particular teachings of an instructor no interference has ever taken place.

The university has been, in a conspicuous way, the recipient of large gifts of money from wealthy men. To these men it owes a debt of sincere gratitude. This debt is all the greater, moreover, because in absolutely no single case has any man, who has given as much as one dollar to the university, sought by word or act, either directly or indirectly, to control, or even to influence, the policy of the university in reference to the teachings of its professors, in the departments of political economy, history, political science or sociology. To be still more explicit, neither John D. Rockefeller, Charles T. Yerkes, Martin A Reyerson, Marshall Field, Silas B. Cobb, Sidney Kent, George C. Walker, nor any other benefactor of the university, has ever uttered a syllable or written a word in criticism of any theory advocated by any professor in any department of the university.

This public statement is made because the counter statement has been published, far and wide, and because it is clear that a serious injury will be done the cause of higher education if the impression should prevail that in a university, as distinguished from a college, there is not the largest possible freedom of expression—a freedom entirely unhampered by either theological or monetary considerations.

 

Source:   University of Chicago. Office of the President. Harper, Judson and Burton Administrations. Records, Box 11, Folder #4 “Bemis, Edward W., 1892-1895”, Special Collections Research Center, University of Chicago.

 

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Bemis sends three clippings to Walter F. Willcox of Cornell

477 Dearborn St.
Chicago
Oct. 25 [1895]

Dear Professor Willcox:

Please show the enclosed, which I send at your request to Prof. Jenks & write me what you both think.

Very sincerely
[signed]
Edward W. Bemis

*  *  *  *  *

Chicago Chronicle
Oct 9, 1895

The controversy between Professor E. W. Bemis and the University of Chicago faculty and officials have led the dismissed instructor to issue a public statement giving his side of the matter. It is the first direct expression he has made since the trouble arose. Professor Bemis is to lecture at the University of Illinois four days next week, when it is expected that he may give public utterance to his views. The statement is as follows:

“Despite the urgent advice of many and the demand for the facts from the greater portion of hundreds of editorials in newspapers which have been sent me I have hitherto refused to publish the reasons for my leaving the University of Chicago. To injure the university or to have newspaper notoriety is as distasteful to me as to dwell on my personal relations with a great institution.

“The University of Chicago is doing an important work, and throughout the country there is sympathy with all our great universities which I would not wish in any way to disturb.

“During my three years’ connection with the university my personal relations with the president and my colleagues in the sociological department, where I have done all my work the past year and more, were always pleasant. But President Harper’s emphatic denial at convocation, Oct. 1, of any interference with college independence by Mr. Rockefeller, Mr. Yerkes and other donors is producing the natural and apparently intended inference that the university had other and justifiable grounds for my dismissal.

REFUTES HARPER’S STATEMENT.

“I have also since Oct. 1 had conclusive evidence that the president is privately stating that I leave because incompetent. Silence is no longer possible, not alone from personal considerations, but because the vital principle of college freedom is also at stake.

“It has been stated by some influential papers on the authority of the president himself, as I am reliably informed, that I was engaged at the University of Chicago for a period of three or five years, and that period having expired the university simply did no renew the appointment.

“I desire to deny emphatically the truth of this statement. In none of the negotiations between the university and myself respecting my coming to the university was there a single word as to any limit of time.

“I was to devote at first two-thirds of the college year to university extension. But I insisted, as a condition of leaving what all assured me was practically a life position at Vanderbilt university to go to Chicago in 1892, that I should not only have one-third of the year for inside or class teaching, but that I should have a gradual increase of it. Both the presidents and the heads of the departments of economics and sociology gave me this assurance, as has often been admitted. Jan. 5, 1894, President Harper wrote me: ‘I hoped that as time passed there would be opportunity for your doing a larger amount of work in the university proper.’

ASKS HARPER TO EXPLAIN.

“Now what I wish the president to do is not to give a general denial of Mr. Rockefeller’s having criticized ‘any theory advanced by any professor,’ but to explain why the above ‘hope’ and understanding were not carried out, and what he meant by the following in the letter above quoted: ‘Instead of the opportunity becoming better for work on your part in the university proper, the doors seem to be closing. * * * I am persuaded that in the long run you can do in another institution, because of the peculiar circumstances here, a better and more satisfactory work to yourself than you can do here. I am personally very much attached to you. You are, however, man of the world enough to know that, unless one is in the best environment, he cannot work to the best advantage. You are so well known and your ability so widely recognized that there will be surely no difficulty in securing for you a good position, one in which you will be monarch, and one in which you will be, above all things else, independent.’

“I have never had occasion to doubt the president’s implication above that ‘the peculiar circumstances,’ and the ‘environment’ at the university were the true explanation of its action.

“On receipt of this letter I should have resigned had I not very soon been led to believe, erroneously as it proved, that the situation was improving.

“I very much regret the necessity of publishing this and other letters and conversations which, while not considered confidential, would not under any ordinary circumstances, be made public by me.

ASSOCIATES SATISFIED.

“I cannot have been dropped because of dissatisfaction on the part of my associates, for on Aug. 7, 1895, President Harper emphatically declared that the head of the economic department was not responsible for my going, and that the head of the sociological department had, almost to the very end, ‘pleaded for’ my retention.

“I cannot have been dismissed because personally not agreeable to the president, for his letter above quoted states: ‘I am personally very much attached to you.’

“Neither can the university’s action have been due to failure in my university extension work, which was done with constantly growing and, with the exception of a few places the first year, with almost uniform success. In judging of the success of extension courses designed to be educational in character, in economics and sociology, due regard must be had to the fact that the subjects do not appeal to so many of the usual supporters of extension courses, chiefly women, as do literature and history.

“In November and December, 1894, my extension work kept me busy nearly every night, and at least one long engagement had to be refused on this account. Yet in the face of my most popular and really most successful university extension season, my name was dropped from the budget or salary list by the trustees Christmas week, 1894, to take effect the following summer. The singular fact that I was not informed of the above action until March 7, 1895, more than two months afterward, I pass without comment.

NOT LACK OF ABILITY.

“President Harper’s reasons for dropping me could not have been lack of ability or personal character, for Sept. 29, 1894, after observing my work for two years, he wrote me: ‘I have great respect for you and your work.’ In view of this written statement, I cannot understand his recent private declaration that I was dropped for incompetency.

“March 7, 1895, speaking of the reason for my going he said: ‘It is not a question of competency; simply, the general situation is against you here. Of course you are an A No. 1 man, just as much as when we got you, but you are a misfit here.’

“I cannot have been dropped because of dissatisfaction with my classroom work, for Professor Small, under whom I carried on all my extension work and my spring and summer courses of class work in 1894 and 1895, to constantly growing classes of seniors and graduate students, has repeatedly declared to others and to myself that there was no fault or criticism of my class work.

“A considerable portion of my students have taken a second course with me, and I invite the fullest inquiry among them all as to my work. Their attitude was shown in an editorial in their organ, the University of Chicago Weekly, Aug. 1, 1895: ‘His work here has been of the best.’ The president’s comment to me on Aug. 7 last was: ‘Students don’t count. Anybody that knows how can get around students.’ Yet many of my pupils were graduate students and even teachers elsewhere. Again, I repeat, that only the most extreme provocation has overcome my great reluctance to publish such conversations.

QUOTES A LETTER.

“In this connection, I am permitted to quote the following letter to Dr. Charles B. Spahr of the Outlook, written Aug. 27, 1895, by the chancellor of Vanderbilt university, Dr. James H. Kirkland:

“It affords me greatest pleasure to testify to the high character of Professor Bemis’ work at Vanderbilt university. He had a strong hold upon his Students and was regarded by them as an unusually able and strong instructor. I give this communication cheerfully and without reserve. You may make whatever use of it you wish.’

“I am not a socialist, but I am a believer in the wisdom of a gradual taking over of some of our local monopolies by cities, as in Glasgow and Birmingham, but have never urged that it should be done at once in all places, and have held that many cities cannot be urged to go further at present than the leasing for moderate periods, as has been done with the street car lines in Toronto, Canada, with ample provision for city ownership on easy terms at the close of the lease, if then desired by the citizens. Yet the then president of the so-called gas trust of Chicago refused in 1893 to render a financial favor to the university because I was on the faculty. President Harper has since denied that he was influenced thereby.

“The manager of the largest aggregation of gas capital in America, outside of Chicago, referring to my monograph in the publications of the American Economic association, and to other writing on municipal gas works, such as in the February, 1893, issue of the Review of Reviews, declared to me in the summer of 1893: ‘If we can’t convert you we are going to down you. We can’t stand your writing. It means millions to us.’

HIS AID SOLICITED.

“As illustrative of how my work is regarded by many prominent businessmen acquainted with it, I may add that some weeks ago so conservative a magazine as the Bibliothecra Sacra, whose sociological department is edited by a conservative businessman of Chicago, asked me to become an associate editor.

“In an interview March 13, 1895, as at other times before and since, President Harper fully agreed with my assertion that I was not radical, and that it was true conservatism to favor moderate social changes; but when I asserted that the university ought to be in close touch with the labor question and with municipal and monopoly problems in the way I had been trying in a moderate spirit, in the Civic Federation and elsewhere, to effect, he replied: ‘Yes, it is valuable work, and you are a good man to do it, but this may not be—this is not the institution where such work can be done.’

“I spoke in the First Presbyterian church of Chicago July 15, 1894, in condemnation of the great railway strike, but ventured to suggest that the railroads had also been law-breakers in the past and should set a better example. Realizing the gravity of the situation and my position in the university, I spoke from carefully prepared manuscript, and can publish it, if any doubt the general verdict of very prominent men in the congregation who have commended its moderate tone. The only sentences afterward criticized were these:

“’If the railroads would expect their men to be law-abiding they must set the example. Let their open violation of the interstate commerce law and their relations to corrupt legislatures and assessors testify as to their part in this regard. I do not attempt to justify the strikers in their boycott of the railroads; but the railroads themselves not long ago placed an offending road under the ban and refused to honor its tickets. Such boycotts on the part of the railroads are no more to be justified than is a boycott of the railroads by the strikers. Let there be some equality in the treatment of these things.’ The rest of the address criticized the strikers more than their employers.

OFFERS THE PROOF.

“A prominent railroad president, immediately after the dismissal of the congregation, challenged me for proof of boycotting and I replied that not only were the newspapers full of such things, but I had proof in my study which I would send him in writing. He said: ‘It is an outrage. That a man in your position should dare to come here and imply that the railroads cannot come into court with clean hands is infamous.’ He complained to one or more trustees and to President Harper. The latter then wrote me, July 28, 1894: ‘Your speech at the First Presbyterian church has caused me a great deal of annoyance. It is hardly safe for me to venture into any of the Chicago clubs. I am pounced upon from all sides. I propose that during the remainder of your connection with the university you exercise great care in public utterances about questions that are agitating the minds of the people.’

“In view of this letter of President Harper, I am at a loss to understand the statement he made at convocation: ‘From the beginning of the university there never has been an occasion for condemning the utterance of any professor upon any subject.’

INFLUENCE OF MONEY.

“The benumbing influence of a certain class of actual or hoped-for endowments, whether this influence is directly exerted by donors or only instinctively felt by university authorities and instructors, is a grave danger now confronting some of the best institutions.

“A wealthy and leading trustee of the university spoke to me in 1893 of ‘our side’ in some club discussion of a noted strike. By ‘our side’ you mean–?’ I asked. ‘Why, the capitalists’ side, of course,’ was the quick reply.

“To a gentleman of unquestioned veracity the president, when referring to me, said in substance: ‘It is all very well to sympathize with the workingmen, but we get our money from those on the other side and we can’t afford to offend them.’

“The name of the last gentleman quoted cannot be given to the public or to the university, but he is ready to assert the truth of the above to any disinterested and honorable gentleman the president may name.

“President Harper, as the press has intimated, has privately claimed that by speaking he can ruin me, and that he is keeping quiet on my account. It is time that these innuendoes ceased.

“Altogether aside from my personal interest in the question is the far larger issue of the subjection of college teaching to any lower aims than the pursuit of truth.”

*  *  *  *  *

DR. HARPER REPLIES.
ANSWERS PROF. BEMIS’ CHARGES
Chicago Record, Oct. 18, 1895.

Says the Lecturer’s Financial Failure Was Alone Responsible for His Retirement from the University of Chicago—Letter in Full

President William R. Harper of the University of Chicago has written a reply to the statement made by Prof. Edward W. Bemis which was published in The Record Oct. 9.

The following is Dr. Harper’s reply in full, exactly as the president of the university, with the assistance of Prof. Albion W. Small, head professor of sociology, and Prof. Nathaniel Butler, director of the university extension department, prepared it:

“In view of the desire of the public as manifested in various ways to know the facts in reference to the work of Mr. Bemis as a university extension associate professor in the University of Chicago, and in order to remove certain impressions which his letter of a recent date occasions, we, who have been from the beginning most thoroughly conversant with the facts, and, indeed, connected officially with his work, desire to make the following statement:

“1. Mr. Bemis’ position in the university from the beginning has been that of a university extension associate professor, the understanding being that his work should be largely in this department, since his services were not needed in the class work of the university proper, in view of the large number of professors there employed.

Attendance at Lectures Decreased.

“2. During the first year (’92-’93) of his connection with the university he delivered fifteen courses of extension lectures. During the second year (’93-’94) he gave seven courses. During the third year (’94-’95) he gave six courses of lectures. It was a striking fact that, except in one instance, Mr. Bemis never returned to an extension center for a second course. In his course given during ’94-’95 in Joliet on ‘Questions of Labor and Social Reform’ the attendance at the first lecture was 124; second, 108; third, 76; fourth, 79; fifth, 75, and sixth, 44. The actual earnings of Mr. Bemis in university extension work were about $1,000 a year, his salary being $2,500 a year. A portion of this salary, it is true, was paid him for courses offered in the university proper, but he was permitted to offer a larger number of courses in the university than he would otherwise have done, because the administrative officers of the extension division were unable to persuade university extension centers to avail themselves of his lectures. It should be added that no man who has ever given a dollar to the university has ever directly or indirectly entered objection to the views taught by Mr. Bemis in his lectures; and that so far as the university knows, his teaching upon subjects of municipal reform, trusts, etc., are teachings to which the authorities would not think of interposing objection.

“3. In no discussion of Mr. Bemis’ relations to the university, between ourselves as officers of the university or with the president of the university, has the question of Mr. Bemis’ views on questions of political economy or sociology been raised. Mr. Bemis himself acknowledged in our presence early in August, 1895, that he was then convinced that no outside pressure had been brought to bear in reference to his resignation.

Dependent on the Fees.

“4. The simple fact is that the university extension division, which at present has no regular endowment to pay the salaries of professors engaged in this particular work, is dependent upon the fees received from the lecturers for the money with which to pay the salaries of such lecturers. Inasmuch as the officers of the department were not able to make arrangements with extension centers for Mr. Bemis to lecture before them it was evident from a business point of view that the work of Mr. Bemis in this division of the university must cease.

“5. The president’s letter to Mr. Bemis, in which he expressed cordial good will and appreciation of his ability represented the feelings of all who were associated with Mr.

Bemis at that time. It was, however, the opinion of the head of the university department in which Mr. Bemis worked, and of the director of the university extension division as well as the president, that Mr. Bemis could find a better field for his work in a smaller institution, in which he could be free to confine his teaching to the class-room, and not be dependent upon the general public through university extension centers.

“6. The letter of President Harper to Mr. Bemis in reference to his remarks in the First Presbyterian church was written at a time when the citizens of Chicago were in great anxiety because of the disturbed condition of affairs. It should be noted that President Harper’s request that Mr. Bemis should exercise care in his statements was not made with reference to any utterances which Mr. Bemis was making in university work or in a university extension lecture, but in an outside capacity before a promiscuous audience. This was, as already intimated, at a time when agitation of any kind was universally regarded as imprudent. It should not even then take issue with Mr. Bemis on any ‘doctrine,’ but that he requested him to be careful about making untimely and immature statements.

“7. Mr. Bemis was more than a year ago given to understand that it seemed desirable for the reasons recited above, that he should seek another field of usefulness. This intimation was made and was apparently received by him in the kindest spirit, and efforts were made on the part of the University of Chicago to secure him a position better adapted to his abilities. One of several such positions might have been secured had not Mr. Bemis himself by his public attitude rendered it out of the question that these positions should be offered him. We refer later to influences which may account for the unfortunate light in which Mr. Bemis allowed his personal affairs to be presented. The whole case is one in which a university instructor is found to be not well adapted to the position which he holds. Such cases arise almost continually in universities. In almost any other department of instruction than the one in which Mr. Bemis occupied a position such a case would attract no general comment, nor would it be regarded as involving injustice to the instructor. It was perhaps inevitable that Mr. Bemis’ department of teaching, and the fact that the University of Chicago has been generously endowed by private munificence, would occasion the construction which has been put upon this matter. That construction, however, is absolutely without foundation in truth.

As to Another Position.

“8. Mr. Bemis’ real complaint was not that he was asked to resign from the university extension staff, but that he was not transferred to a corresponding position on the staff of instructors inside the university. We state now only our opinion when we say that, so far as we are able to judge, every member of the faculty who is acquainted with Mr. Bemis would indorse the president’s conclusion that such transfer would have placed Mr. Bemis in a position which he is not strong enough to fill. Mr. Bemis dissents from this opinion and repeatedly urged the head of the department of sociology to recommend his appointment as a member of the sociological staff. The answer had to be made that if the trustees would appropriate money without limit to the sociological department, work might be assigned to Mr. Bemis which would be important and valuable in itself, but that the money which would be available for some time to come was much more needed for kinds of instruction which he was not competent to give.

“Some of the elements which entered into the failure of his extension work would be fatal objections to a university instructor. In attempting to be judicial he succeeded in being indefinite. Instead of erring by teaching offensive views the head and front of his offending was that he did not seem to present any distinct views whatever.

“9. We have urged President Harper, throughout the campaign of abuse which has been waged during the last summer, not to depart from his purpose of silence respecting the reasons which led him to call for Mr. Bemis’ resignation. We know that President Harper was more considerate of Mr. Bemis than the latter knew how to be for himself. We had and still have the most friendly feelings for our former associate and agreed with President Harper that the university could afford to suffer rather than cause needless injury to an individual by publication of facts which a discreet person would wish to suppress.

Believes Bemis Was Influenced.

“10. We have changed our view of what is just to all interests concerned, because we are obliged to believe that the prominence which this case has attained through the press is not the result of misunderstanding, but that it is the carrying out of a deliberate design to misrepresent the facts. We believe that Mr. Bemis has received advice which has made him the tool of private animosity toward the university, under the mistaken notion that he is vindicating his violated rights. Our reasons for this view are in part as follows:

“Soon after Mr. Bemis was informed, more than a year ago, that his services were no longer desired by the university, one of the signers of this paper was notified by a friend of Mr. Bemis, first by letter and afterward verbally, that ‘If Prof. Bemis is not retained a newspaper agitation will be begun from which the university will not recover in a generation.’ The reply was that if this was intended as a threat, no more direct means could be taken to hasten the termination of Mr. Bemis’ connection with the university. That it was intended as a threat was evident from the response that ‘the newspapers are all ready to begin the attack if Bemis is sent away, and the University will drop him at its peril.”

“The name of the person who made the threat has repeatedly crept into the published statements for which Mr. Bemis has been directly or indirectly responsible. Both Mr. Bemis and his mentor have refused to act in accordance with the positive testimony of those who knew the facts and have persisted in misconstruction of indirect evidence to suit their purpose of detraction. We therefore think it our duty to the university to add these things to previous official statement in behalf of the university.

Compelled to Discuss the Case.

“11. To summarize, Mr. Bemis has compelled us to advertise both his incompetency as a university extension lecturer and also the opinion of those most closely associated with him that he is not qualified to fill a university position. We wish to make the most emphatic and unreserved assertion which words can convey that the ‘freedom of teaching’ has never been involved in the case. The case of Mr. Bemis would have been precisely the same if his subject had been Sanskrit or psychology or mathematics.

“12. As final evidence that the university had no quarrel with Mr. Bemis’ ‘doctrines’ we add that the university offered to continue to announce Prof. Bemis’ extension courses in the university lists to give him all possible assistance to make lecture engagements, Mr. Bemis to retain all the fees, without the customary deduction for office expenses. This offer was to hold good until Jan. 1, 1896, and Mr. Bemis did not decline it until August 1895. Had he not chosen to represent himself as a martyr he might have been lecturing today under the auspices of the university, although on his own financial responsibility.

Albion W. Small,
“Head Professor of Sociology.
Nathaniel Butler,
“Director the University Extension Division.”

Concurred in by President Harper.

“The above has my concurrence and approval. I think that this recital of facts will be sufficient to assure all candid persons who have become interested in the case, first, that no principle has been involved about which there was occasion ro public solicitude; second, that the university was guarding Prof. Bemis’ interest in attempting to avoid the necessity of publishing an official judgment about the value of his services.

William R. Harper, President”

Chicago, October 16, 1895.

Source:  U. S. Library of Congress, Manuscript Division. The Papers of Walter Willcox, Box 3, Folder “General Correspondence A-C”.

*  *  *  *  *

The above statement was prepared and put in type for the purpose of submitting it to the trustees and leaving the question of its publication to their decision. The proofs of the statement were stolen from the University printing office and given to the public. The employé who committed the theft has been discovered and discharged. If it had been decided to publish the statement, the phraseology would probably have been somewhat changed, and certain additions would have been made. The statement, however, as it was published, is correct. Under the circumstances it seems proper to add the following:

  1. The statement placed in my mouth: “It is all very well to sympathize with the workingmen, but we get our money from those on the other side, and we cannot afford to offend them,” I absolutely deny. I have never even entertained the thought implied in the statement. The University has received contributions from hundreds of workingmen. One, however, can feel no sympathy with those agitators who draw lines between the rich and the poor and seek to array them against each other. It is, of course, true that the president of a university could have no wish to offend the patrons of his institution. But the patrons of the University embrace all classes in the community. The issue raised is an entirely false one, and based on charges without the shadow of a foundation.
  2. Mr. Bemis, recognizing that there was no longer a work for him to do in ordinaryUniversity Extension, proposed that the University pay his salary and allow him to work in the city in connection with the Civic Federation and other public and charity organizations, this work being, as he suggested, University Extension work in a broad sense. To thisproposition it was, of course, necessary to reply that it was a valuable work, and he a good man to do it, but that it was a kind of work which the University could not undertake.
  3. It is understood that when an instructor withdraws at the request of the University, his case shall, in no instance, be prejudiced before the public. The University will assist him in every possible way. The real facts in the case of Mr. Bemis would, under ordinary circumstances, never have been given to the public. In the convocation statement care was taken to utter no word which would in the slightest degree injure him. His recent publication of abstracts of letters, in which the facts were grossly misrepresented, has made this statement necessary.
  4. Once more it is desired to say that neither the expressed nor the supposed wishes and views of the patrons of the University have had anything to do with the case in hand. It has been merely a question of finance, in the effort to bring the expenditures of the division of University Extension within its income. There is not an institution of learning in the country in which freedom of teaching is more absolutely untrammeled than in The University of Chicago. The history of the University during its first three years is sufficient guarantee to those who will examine into it that the policy of the Trustees of the University in reference to this whole subject will not be changed.

William R. Harper.
October 21 [1895]

 

Source:   University of Chicago. Office of the President. Harper, Judson and Burton Administrations. Records, Box 11, Folder #4 “Bemis, Edward W., 1892-1895”, Special Collections Research Center, University of Chicago.

*  *  *  *  *

PROF. BEMIS’ DEFENSE.
REPLY TO PRESIDENT HARPER.
Chicago Record, Oct 19, 1895

The Professor of Sociology Makes Vigorous Rejoinder to the Head of the University of Chicago—Chance for Harper to Explain.

The celebrated case of Harper vs. Bemis was given an interesting airing exclusively in the columns of The Record yesterday, the plaintiff filing his brief, as it were in reply to the statement of the defense which appeared in The Record Wednesday, Oct. 9. Now comes Prof. Bemis, the defendant, with a vigorous rejoinder, which he prepared for The Record last evening and which is reproduced in full.

“When I issued my first statement, Oct. 9, I realized the limits to which the university might go in seeking to reply, for on Aug. 7 President Harper said to me: ‘If I speak you will be damned forever. If we say we did not like you here you can’t get another college place in America.’ He then made some such denial of monopoly influence as at convocation and, having held up a sufficiently frightful fate in store for me, said: ‘I have a stenographer waiting in the next room. I desire to call him in have you make a statement to the public at once that proof has been shown you (for I have said so, and you don’t believe me a liar) that you were entirely mistaken in supposing that monopoly influence had anything to do with your leaving here.’

“It is possible that in the excitement of the moment I admitted a general belief in the truthfulness of the president, but I declined to sign such a statement, saying, however, that I was willing to state that he then denied monopoly influence.

“’Oh, that will do no good,’ he replied; ‘people won’t believe it. They would say that of course I would deny it.’

“But, while I realize the seriousness of the situation, I cannot rest under such unfounded charges of incompetency as are publicly made, with the president’s indorsement, this morning, and which I first learned of on my return to Chicago this afternoon.

Charges Answered Seriatim.

“Time at my disposal does not admit of an adequate reply, but a few things must be said:

“1. With regard to my university extension work. In order to make up a case against me the attendance at Joliet is given, showing a marked falling off the last night as compared with the first. Now, as I have repeatedly stated, this is the one and only center among all the ten where I gave twelve courses in 1894 where there was want of enthusiasm in my work. On the first night at Joliet, if I remember correctly, many complimentary tickets were issued, while the last lecture was suddenly and without due notice changed to another evening in the week to enable courses to begin elsewhere.

“That was the place, too, which complained that I too much avoided making positive statements. It was the first place where I lectured after receiving that letter from President Harper quoted in my previous statement and ending with ‘I propose that during the remainder of your connection with the university you exercise great care in public utterances about questions that are agitating the minds of the people.’ From even Joliet, however, business men have come to me unsolicited to tell me how much they valued my course.

Opinions of the Lectures.

“Relative to a course in Washington, Iowa, early in 1894, the secretary of the center, the Rev. Arthur Fowler, wrote, Feb. 24, 1894, to the head of the university-extension department of the University of Chicago: ‘Nothing but favorable reports have been given of Prof. Bemis’ lectures. He is well liked here.’ To another he wrote, June 8, 1895: ‘Our engagement with Mr. Bemis was entirely satisfactory. The audience increased with each successive lecture. He did us much good.’

“Relative to a course given in Quincy, Ill., early in 1894, the secretary of the center, Edwin A. Clarke, wrote the head of the University of Chicago extension department, March 19, 1894: ‘The course given us by Dr. Bemis has been to those few who attended the lectures the most interesting and valuable of any we have had so far.’

“Relative to a course at Mason City, Iowa, in the fall of 1894, the Rev. C. C. Smith wrote a gentleman in Montana:

“ ‘In the beginning we had considerable fears as to the result, because of the difficulty we have had in making anything in the line of lectures succeed in this town. Now, however, the success of another course is insured, the enthusiasm is great, and this is due wholly to Prof. Bemis as a man and to the excellency of his lectures. He is a teacher, clear, concise, conclusive. His lectures bristle with facts and figures up to date and each has a point and pertinency to the present pressing problems. His patriotism is free from party prejudice, so far, at least, as his lectures are concerned.’

More Words of Praise.

“Relative to two courses at Burlington, Iowa, in the fall and early winter of 1894, the secretary, E. M. Neally, wrote the University of Chicago:

“ ‘We believe Prof. Bemis to be unusually qualified for this sort of work and the desire has even been expressed that we may arrange for a further course by the same lecturer at some future date.’

“In a letter in August, 1895, to a large newspaper Mr. Neally wrote:

“ ‘Having had occasion, as secretary of the Burlington center, to look into the record of Prof. Bemis’ work at various centers, I find it almost invariably described by the secretaries as very successful. No adverse criticism from any local secretary has ever come to my notice.’

“The secretary of the Waterloo (Iowa) center wrote to an inquirer relative to my course there in 1894:

“ ‘His audiences were attentive and the numbers kept up. Prof. Bemis, in my individual opinion, has the right idea of the extension lecture and carried it out.’

“Relative to a course at Osage, Iowa, in the fall of 1894, the Rev. W. W. Gist, secretary of the center, wrote the university Jan. 2, 1895: ‘Dr. Bemis gave us a good, strong course of lectures here.’

“In short, I can quote favorable letters from the secretaries of at least eight of my ten centers in 1894 and from a good proportion of those in the preceding years.

An Error Corrected.

“It is claimed that I never returned to an extension center for a second course, save one. In fact, I did so three times, for I gave twelve lectures at Burlington and two courses to the wage-workers of Chicago. To be sure, the Burlington center engaged the two courses at the start, but they did not manifest the slightest regret over this when the first six lectures were finished. One of the other extension lecturers, who is retained in full favor, was only recalled a second time to three centers prior to this fall, and two prominent officials in the office tell me that it is customary to advise a place not to recall the same lecturer for some time, but to try variety.

“The university has always claimed that its extension work was scientific and worthy of indorsement by a great university because of its strictly educational features. Yet the university now attempts to apply rigid financial tests, as though the extension lecturers must return to the university in fees all their salary, as in a girls’ ‘finishing’ school. March 7 last President Harper told me that every lecturer must earn his own salary in this work. Such conditions were never mentioned to me when I agreed to take hold of the work.

The Financial Account.

“Yet, as a matter of fact, prior to Christmas week, 1894, when the trustees dropped me from the salary list, to take effect this last summer, the university had paid me only $5,625 and had received from my extension fees about $3,600, and the salary for my two and one-half quarters of inside work equaled the entire balance of the $5,625. Though the university now states that some of my inside work was given simply to atone for some lack of extension courses, it certainly was not true of any of the above, however true it may have been of my work in July and August of this year. During 1894 the university received in fees for my work $1,335 or more than my salary for that part of the year devoted to extension work, and as given in my previous statement my last two months of work before the action of the trustees Christmas week, 1894, were crowded with courses, and these the most successful I had ever given.

A Breach of Agreement.

“2. The university does not deny that the understanding under which I came was that I should have a gradual increase of inside or class teaching. Neither does the president explain what he meant in his letter of Jan. 15, 1894, when he intimated that I had better leave and could not have more inside work ‘because of the peculiar circumstances here,’ adding:

“ ‘You are man of the word enough to know that, unless one is in the best environments, he cannot work to the best advantage. You are so well known and your ability so well recognized that there will be surely no difficulty in securing for you a good position, one in which you will be monarch and one in which, you will be, above all things else, independent.’

“3. As to my inside work—does Prof. Small deny having repeatedly told myself and others, as late even as last August, that he had never had any fault or criticism to find with my class work and scientific writing?

“4. On March 9, 1895, Prof. Small told me: ‘When President Harper claims that I stand in your way he is joking, and you know it.’ I replied: ‘Do you mean that the president is speaking in a Pickwickian sense?’ ‘Certainly I do, and you can see it all the time,’ was Prof. Small’s rejoinder.

“On Aug. 7 last he admitted using that exact language, but said he was joking when he said it! Perhaps a similar humorous interpretation is to be put upon the statement in The Record this morning.

“5. My classes at the university averaged about four students to a class the first year and over ten the last quarter, while I know of other men conducting similar graduate work without criticism at the university to-day, and even in sociology, to classes of one. Although my classes averaged as large in size as did most of the others, they would probably have been larger had not Prof. Laughlin, head of the department of political economy and of my work the first two years, advised students not to elect my courses.

As to Prof. Bemis’ Qualifications.

“6. Since the university has seen fit in a most unjust and unwarranted way to attack my class work, I will quote the following from a letter of one of the most famous economic and sociological teachers and writers of the world, Prof. John B. Clark. He thus wrote to a college president April 27 last:

“ ‘I should like to say that Dr. Bemis has unusual qualifications for giving instruction in sociology in an institution where this branch of science is to be taught in a scientific way. His range of learning is very extensive and his training in economics has been very thorough. He has clear insight and sound judgment. His views are conservatively progressive, and he seems to me to be a safe guide for students.’

“The chancellor of Vanderbilt university, where I was professor for the third year preceding my call to Chicago, wrote April 27 to the same president:

“ ‘I have a very high regard for Prof. Bemis both as a scholar and as a teacher. His work with us was very successful in both respects, and it was a source of great regret that we could not keep him. I wish we were able to call him back again.’

Questions for the President.

“7. Does President Harper deny having told me Aug. 7 that he had decided as he had, despite the fact that the head professor of sociology had ‘pleaded for’ my retention and had used an almost convincing argument therefor?

“I do not find in the statement by the university this morning any denial of the president’s remark to me, March 13 last, that for the university to be in close touch with the labor question and with municipal and monopoly problems in a moderate spirit was ‘valuable work and you are a good man to do it; but this may not be, this is not the institution where such work can be done.’ Indeed, I hardly find a denial of anything in my previous statement except in the implication that what was there quoted of the letters and words of the president relative to the excellence of my class work was not to be taken seriously.

“Too Close to Social Movements.”

“8. On Jan. 15, 1895, Prof. Small told me that I was too much identified with modern social movements, while the necessities of the case forced him in his own lectures to go off more and more into ‘transcendental philosophy.’

“9. Since the university tries to make out my incompetency for inside or class work at so large a university, perhaps an explanation will be given of the statement of Prof. Small, March 7, in the presence of the president, that I was the best man in the country to write books on many of the following—immigration, population, cooperation, profit-sharing, building and loan associations, life insurance, labor organizations, arbitration, factory and other labor legislation, but these subjects were ‘too specialized for university instruction.’

“10. In the university’s statement this morning there is no denial of the absolute contradiction between a letter of the president’s July 28, 1894, and his convocation address. In the former he declares that because of my address at the First Presbyterian church (which was very moderate and wholly true ‘it is hardly safe for me to venture into any of the Chicago clubs,’ and ‘proposes’ that I exercise ‘great care in public utterances’ henceforth. In the latter he states: ‘From the beginning of the university there never has been an occasion for condemning the utterance of any professor upon any subject.’

Peculiar Use of Language.

“11. The president’s peculiar use of language was illustrated by his statement to me March 7, that a signed resignation, which at his request I soon gave, was no resignation, and we could both so state, until he chose to date it, the date being left blank by me at his suggestion.

“12. I desire to deny that my action in making my previous statement was due to the ‘mentor’ that the university seems to have in mind. I had not seen the one I suppose to be referred to for some time and acted contrary to his advice anyway, but in conformity to the advice of all but two of the many prominent friends heard from since Oct. 1.

An Unmade Denial.

“13. It will be noticed that President Harper does not deny having told a gentleman of unquestioned veracity, when referring to me: ‘It is all very well to sympathize with the workingmen, but we get our money from those on the other side and we can’t afford to offend them.’

“14. Another gentleman—one of national and very high reputation—is prepared to assert to any honorable and disinterested third party the president may name that the latter stated to him: ‘I am on the capitalist side. There is where I get my money.’

“In conclusion, and I wish to speak judicially and fairly, I must say that the statement of certain professors, as indorsed by the president, seems to me evasive and disingenuous and not at all worthy of a great institution of learning. I regret, exceedingly, that the unfounded and injust attacks of the university upon my work have compelled me to make the above statement. Edward W. Bemis.”

Source:  U. S. Library of Congress, Manuscript Division. The Papers of Walter Willcox, Box 3, Folder “General Correspondence A-C”.

*  *  *  *  *

DR. HARPER WAS EMBARRASSED.
Chicago Record, Oct 19, 1895

Says That the Statement Signed by Him Was Meant to Be Kept Secret.

Dr. Harper was asked yesterday why he had made answer to Prof. Bemis at this late day, after having declared that he would not notice the professor’s letter.

“I have made no statement,” said the doctor, “and the publication in The Record this morning was embarrassing to me. The matter was prepared for submission to the board of trustees this afternoon, and if they had desired to make it public they could, of course, have done so. But it is unfair to say I have made any public statement concerning the matter.”

“The document published was the one prepared with your knowledge and consent, was it not?”

“Yes, I do not intend to assert that there is anything wrong with the document, but if it had been prepared for the public no doubt many things it does not contain would have been incorporated.”

“In the printed statement it is said that the extension lectures of Prof. Bemis were a failure financially. Does this mean that the extension work is languishing?”

“Not at all. It only means that Prof. Bemis did not succeed, and there was no sense in our keeping him when we could get men who would put money in our treasury instead of being a drag upon us.”

Source: U. S. Library of Congress, Manuscript Division. The Papers of Walter Willcox, Box 3, Folder “General Correspondence A-C”.

__________________

MEMORANDUM OF AGREEMENT between E. W. BEMIS and WILLIAM R. HARPER:
[undated]

  1. Bemis agrees to give Mr. Harper his resignation as University Extension Associate Professor in the University of Chicago, the date to be left blank and to be filled out by Mr. Harper, but not before Mr. Bemis has secured a position in another institution, provided that the date shall in no case be later than July 1, 1896.
  2. Bemis agrees to receive as compensation for his services in the University after July 1, 1895, in case service is rendered, the receipts from such lecture courses as he may give in the Extension Division and the sum of Six Hundred and Twenty-five ($625.00) dollars, for six weeks of instruction during the summer quarter of 1895.
  3. Bemis agrees, in case the above arrangement is carried out by Mr. Harper, to release the University from any obligation to pay him a fixed salary for the year beginning July 1, 1895, should he remain connected with the University during that year.
  4. Harper agrees to carry out the above arrangements in connection with University Extension work and in connection with University work during the summer quarter of 1895.

[Signed by both]
Edward W. Bemis
William R. Harper

 

Source:   University of Chicago. Office of the President. Harper, Judson and Burton Administrations. Records, Box 11, Folder #4 “Bemis, Edward W., 1892-1895”, Special Collections Research Center, University of Chicago.

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Image Source:  Chauncey L. Moore (Springfield, MA) photograph of Edward Webster Bemis from Johns Hopkins Sheridan Libraries, Graphic and Pictorial Collection.

 

Categories
Chicago Economists

Chicago. Sociology and Political Economy. Laughlin Letter, 1894

In a handwritten letter to President William R. Harper, the head of the Department of Political Economy, Professor J. Laurence Laughlin, responds to a request for harmonizing the course offerings between his department and those of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology headed by (Sociology) Professor Albion W. Small.

Laughlin signals his interest in establishing mutually recognized borders between the disciplines and he appears to hint that because Professor Small believes “Social Science” (by which the Department of Sociology/Anthropology is apparently meant) is “the dome built on the pillars” of ethics, political science, jurisprudence, history and political economy, Small’s department imperially claims curricular turf in the named disciplines.

Laughlin wants to reassure Harper that reports that had apparently filtered to the university administration of personal animosity between Small and Laughlin have no real foundation but he remains firm about the principle of rendering to the department of political economy what is due political economy.

_______________________

Newman, N. Y.,
July 17, 1894

My dear Pres. Harper,

I have your letter of the 10th inst. [instante mense] in which you say: “I hope that it will be possible for you and Mr. Small to arrange the work of the departments in such a manner as that (1) there shall be no duplication, and (2) the courses may fit into each other to the best possible advantage”.

I think you will find both Mr. Small [Albion Woodbury Small, Head Professor of Sociology] and myself quite ready to do anything we can to save the University from any criticism. Both of us, however, will probably be struck by the lack of point in what has been said. I do not quite see what is meant by “harmony of work between the two departments”, as opposed to what now exists. As I understand Mr. Small, Social Science takes its data from the existing sciences, of which Political Economy is only one, the others being Philosophy (or Ethics), Political Science, Jurisprudence, and History. Social Science is the dome built on the pillars of all these sciences. The relations of Political Economy to Social Science are not other than the relations of Political Science, or Philosophy, or History—and there is no reason for singling out Political Economy. I can see, of course, that students of Social Science should have their Political Economy before they enter Social Science—under the above relations, and I have noticed that few students in Social Science are also taking Political Economy. But this probably quite as true of Social Science and Political Science.

I am speaking, of course, not of the sub-divisions of Anthropology, or Sanitary Science. They are not in question. And as to the study of dependent classes (Dr. Henderson’s [Charles Richmond Henderson, Associate Professor of Sociology in the Divinity School and University Chaplain] work) much of it is independent of economic data. So I have spoken only of Mr. Small’s work.

If there has been any discourtesy as to personal work, I shall do my best to stop it. But if any discussion exists relating to scientific work, independent of persons, such as that of the relations of the sciences, I believe it to be healthy, and I should welcome it so far as it relates to Political Economy. The proper University spirit demands it. And it is also to be remembered that the University of Chicago is the only institution in the world—so far as my knowledge goes—in which a division is made into Political Economy, Political Science, History, Social Science, and Ethics; and there must naturally be some questions arise [sic] to boundaries.

So far as reduplication goes the only case I know of is a course by Mr. Cummings [John Cummings, Reader in Political Economy; A.B. (1891), A. M. (1892), Harvard; University of Chicago (1894), Ph.D.] on the Utopias (similar to one by Mr. Thomas [William I. Thomas, Instructor in Ethnic Psychology; A.B. (1884), A.M. (1885), Ph.D. (1886) University of Tennessee]). I was ignorant of Mr. Thomas’s course when it was agreed to allow Mr. Cummings to give his. Before leaving Chicago, it happens that I had advised Mr. Cummings to drop that course, & he assented. Hence, although it appears in our programme, it will not appear in the quarterly calendar. Even though he expected to give it an economic treatment, I felt that the could use his powers better elsewhere. As to all the other courses they have a purely economic raison d’être; and when first sent to Mr. Small he found no difficulty in seeing clearly the line of demarkation between his field and mine.

That the courses should “fit into each other” in the two departments more than they do now, it would be our wish to arrange; but I think it would be difficult to do it better.

May it not be possible that the remarks you have heard have come from people who really know very little of the actual work of the two departments? Certainly in connection with the examinations of Mr. Cummings and Mr. Learned [Learned, Henry Barrett: A. B. (1890) Harvard; A.M. (1894) University of Chicago], Mr. Small was eminently fair & candid. If there is anything more explicit than you have written me, I should be glad to hear of it.

Sincerely yours,

[signed]
J. Laurence Laughlin

 

Source: University of Chicago Library, Department of Special Collections. Office of the President. Harper, Judson and Burton Administrations. Records. Box 57, Folder “Laughlin, J. Laurence, 1892-1917”.

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Department of Political Economy

Social and Economic Ideals. Plato. Aristotle. Aquinas. Machiavelli. More. Hooker. Hobbes. Locke. Modern schemes of social reformation. Reading and Reports.

4 hrs. a week, [Double major]. Autumn Quarter.
Dr. Cummings

Department of Sociology and Anthropology

The Historical Sociologies.—Exposition of significant classical, mediaeval, and modern attempts to interpret social phenomena. Criticism of data, methods, and conclusions.

[Double major] Summer and Winter Quarters.
Dr. Thomas [Fellow in Sociology].

 

Lecture-Study Department (University Extension Division)

Utopias: (1) Plato, The Republic. (2) More, Utopia, (3) Hobbes, The Leviathan. (4) Swift, Gulliver’s Travels. (5) Socialistic Dreamers: St. Simon, Fourier, Robert Owen, Cabet. (6) Bellamy, Looking Backward.

Daniel Fulcomer, A.M., Lecturer in Sociology.

Source: University of Chicago. Annual Register, 1893-1894, pp. 47, 63, 246

Image Source: University of Chicago. Cap and Gown, 1895.

Categories
Chicago Economists

History of Social Sciences at the University of Chicago, from 1954 Report to Ford Foundation

The previous two postings (first and second postings here) were extracts taken from the Harvard Report on the Behavioral Sciences from 1954 to the Ford Foundation. Now we take a look at the Report prepared at the University of Chicago that was part of the same project involving five universities (Chicago, Harvard, Michigan, North Carolina and Stanford). Here I extract Appendix D from the Chicago Report by the University of Chicago historian, Richard J. Storr. This gives us a top-down narrative of where the department of political economy fits into the history of social sciences at Chicago. It provides a nice companion piece to the historical survey for Harvard in the Mason report.

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[p. 158]

Notes on the History of the Social Sciences at Chicago1

No university becomes great unwittingly. Soon or late the members of a college nearing the great divide in higher education will awaken to the necessity of choosing their ground. If the faculty does not altogether recoil from the thought of offering graduate and professional courses, it may still feel so uncertain of the future that it lays its plans for expansion by bits and pieces. If it is more venturesome, it may begin with a large scheme, framed in one piece. When a university has been established, its officers will from time to time appraise the fruits of planning in the past and make new plans for the future. So the idea of a university is a palimpsest of designs, some ancient, some modern, some wise, some foolish, some brilliant, some pedestrian, but all the product of more or less conscious thought.

These notes are a commentary on certain ideas which have stood in the background of research in the social sciences at Chicago between 1888 and 1939. The information used here has been extracted, of necessity rather hastily, from sources on the general history of the University and from files pertaining to the departments of economics; history; political science; and sociology, with which anthropology was once united. Despite the importance of several other departments to the social sciences, they have been neglected because the materials from which their histories must be written could not be examined in time to be used in these notes. [p. 159] What is said here should be thought of as heuristic rather than definitive history.

 

In the Beginning

When John D. Rockefeller, Sr. , made his first gift to the American Baptist Education Society in the interest of a “University of Chicago”, he undoubtedly intended to accomplish more than the resurrection of the moribund Baptist college which had borne the name; but he deliberately refused to specify what the institution should be academically. Most of his advisers believed that university departments should be built up slowly upon a collegiate foundation, and one of Rockefeller’s friends emphatically insisted that Chicago was no place at all for a great Rockefeller university. Although the latter opinion was extreme, early caution was well warranted. The Founder’s princely gift of $600, 000 fell far short of the requirements of a university endowment, and when the Rockefeller benefactions became imperial, they did not overtake the needs of the University for years. From the beginning admiration for academic enterprise and for great enterprisers was tempered by a higher regard for gradualism then we may always realize. “The development of the university, ” wrote President Harry Pratt Judson in 1919, “has followed conservative lines, each new plan being studied with care in advance, and coming naturally from what has already been made permanent.” But this is jumping beyond the founding of the University. Early conservatism was all but shattered by the advent of William Rainey Harper as first president-elect. Before he had accepted office, Rockefeller made a second gift in part to finance the beginning of graduate work. The collegiate era of Chicago history was indeed brief. Harper quickly drafted a comprehensive university plan, which appeared in print as the famous Official Bulletins. They are sufficient evidence of Harper’s acute awareness of the institution as a university. The Founder’s second gift brought out in Harper the same academic evangelism which had swept the minds of older Americans when they contemplated the sight of a beloved [p. 160] nation without full means of intellectual grace. (It is perhaps no accident that Harper used the analogy of religion and its institutions to explain what a university is.) This fruit of an earlier anxiety over the inferiority of American education provided one seed of that corporate self-consciousness which is said to be a mark of the University of Chicago.

According to Harper’s original plan, the University was to have three divisions — namely, university extension, the university publications work, and the university proper. The last was to include academies, undergraduate colleges, several professional schools, and the graduate school. Unlike the John Hopkins and Clark University, Chicago did not play down collegiate activity despite the fact that research was encouraged from the beginning. Moreover, undergraduate study in the last two years was to be carried on in connection with graduate study. The work of the non-professional segment of the university proper was distributed between departments which were independent of each other, or so one must infer from the absence of any provision for the grouping of departments into “schools.” In this Chicago differed from Columbia where sociology, history, government, and economics belonged in a school of political science. True, the departments fall together in the Register; but there is no evidence that this grouping had an important intellectual, administrative, or budgetary role. Work in the departments was to supervised, in general, by a “head”; and instruction was to be given by a hierarchy of officers from head professor down to scholar through twelve grades (!). The “head” of each department was given special status, even above other professors. The heads were to conduct “the Club or Seminar” of each department and to edit any papers or journals to be published by the University. The Official Bulletins do not specify particular departments presumably because Harper did not wish to commit the University on this point; for as the Bulletins were appearing, he was negotiating with a number of prospective faculty members over possible departmental arrangements. Harper’s way of putting flesh on the skeleton of the University was to find men who had the intellectual power and [p. 161] administrative skill necessary to create departments. First and foremost he sought men — men of a particular type, which Harper himself exemplified. When he was born in 1856, there was an infinitesimal demand in the United States for “university” professors as distinguished from the “college” professors of the pastoral era of American academic life. The United States had its scholarly professors; but few of them were employed to do research or to train researchers. Even as late as 1870, the American university heavily committed to research was non-existent. Then, in the remarkably short interval in which Harper passed from boyhood to professorial status at the Morgan Park Theological Seminary, and later at Yale, fledgling universities began to appear and to appoint professors because of their achievements or promise as investigators and organizers of investigation. The latter qualification was as important as the former. The universities needed men who could not only explore on their own, but also found colonies of researchers. If possible, the professor ought to attract a lay following into the fields he opened. Just so, Harper brought new insight to Hebraic research, attracted a cluster of advanced students, edited a learned journal, and created popular interest by conducting summer and correspondence courses and by editing a semi-popular journal. Without the formal title, Harper was a “head professor” at Yale before he came to Chicago, where the appointment of such professors became a foundation stone of his academic policy.

The appointment of head professors had very real uses. Once it was decided to put the University at the top of American higher education on its first day, Harper had the labors of Hercules to perform. (At least he did not have to clear out an old stable.) So it must have been extremely convenient as well as entirely natural to find men to whom he could delegate the responsibility of creating departments with all that entailed in the way of finding instructors, awarding fellowships, deciding on courses to be offered, selecting books and equipment, etc. Like field officers, the head professors could relieve the commanding general of tasks which he could not have completed by himself in any event. If the system [p. 162] was to work, however, the heads had to be men who were more than administrative clerks; they had to be men of initiative and independent judgment, which meant that Harper’s lieutenants defended their own powers stoutly, even against Harper himself on occasion. This was all the more true because Harper wanted to build up the prestige of the University by appointing men who already had established reputations. These men were precisely those who could most easily go elsewhere to serve the University’s rivals if they fell out seriously with the President. It is not pure fantasy to compare the relationship between Harper and the head professors to the feudalism of the marches. These professors were barons on the frontiers of knowledge, bound to the central authority by a loyalty which was usually strong because the person who represented authority possessed a remarkable capacity for inspiring friendship for himself and confidence in the destiny of the institution. Men would resist particular acts of alleged interference on his part and yet find themselves willing to remain in his service. The price of loyalty was the assurance that each department would have autonomy.2

The appointment of head professors was accompanied by some risk, — not so much from the authoritarianism to be read into the head professors’ position as from the premium which was put upon the very autonomy which made the system work. There is little evidence that the “concentrated responsibility”3 of the head professors affected the individual instructor’s freedom adversely. Harper declared officially that no instructor would be asked to separate himself from the University because his [p. 163] views upon a particular question differed from those of another member of the same department, even though that member were the head; and the case of Thorstein Veblen supports the statement. Veblen’s approach to economics was vastly different from that of J. Laurence Laughlin, head of the department of political economy; so one might suppose that Veblen lived in constant danger of losing his post because of the head professor’s displeasure. Actually, Laughlin brought Veblen to the University and protected him from his critics. If Laughlin’s headship made any difference in what became a very delicate and painful situation, that difference worked in favor of the individual scholar.

No, the system of head professors was risky because it jeopardized the unity of spirit which Harper strove to create. For at the same time that he sought to release the energies of individuals, he tried to bring a sense of community into being. It was certainly endangered by the departmentalism which his method of building a university produced. The original departments appear to have been the institutional product of the head professors’ judgments on the needs and potentialities of the fields in which they were severally interested; for the heads were intellectual as well as administrative leaders. As the backgrounds and mentalities of the heads varied, so the departments differed from each other. The spectrum of diversity ran from the historian, von Hoist, who came from Germany where history had long been a distinct academic discipline, to Albion Small, whose field of sociology had yet to acquire academic prestige. (That it did is due perhaps more to Small’s academic statesmanship than to anything else.) Interestingly enough, Small and Laughlin as well as von Hoist had had intimate contact with historical scholarship. Small did his graduate work in a John Hopkins seminar which dealt with history as well as with political economy and government, and Laughlin wrote his thesis on Anglo-Saxon law for Henry Adams. The fact that somewhat similar training did not produce like-mindedness suggests the complexity of the situation.

Harper himself was fully aware of the shortcomings of departmental organization. It was convenient but far from perfect in its effects.

[p. 164] In these days, (said Harper in 1898) as a matter of fact, the distinction between Botany and Zoology, between Latin and Greek, between Political Science, Political Economy and History, is a distinction which is purely artificial. The best work is accomplished by the man who disregards all such artificial lines and deals with problems. Every important problem will carry the student of it into half a dozen departments and he must be free to work without hindrance. The time will come when these so-called distinctions of departments will disappear. . . There should be a better correlation of the work in closely allied departments. The separation of departments has been too greatly emphasized by some of the heads of departments. Certain divisions of work have been isolated to a greater or less extent from other divisions closely related. This is due to the fact that no sufficient effort has been made by the heads of closely related departments to work out together the plans of instruction.

The evil of poor correlation of departments appeared to the President to be greatest in the natural sciences; but harmony was imperfect in the social sciences. As far as one can see, none of the head professors insisted that his discipline was the only avenue to the truth. Although the word “interdisciplinary” was unknown, the idea behind it would surely have received a hearing from the several head professors. Yet integration of the disciplines lay far beyond the realm of possibility as the University was originally organized. To arrange perfect harmony, one would have had to perform a task as difficult as the consolidation of ethnic groups with diverse pasts and all the occasion for friction that propinquity makes frequent.

If the social science departments had developed slowly with the partition of a single course, perhaps the old moral philosophy, there might have been more unity in the University; but that condition was contrary to the facts of the University’s history. Had Harper appointed but one head professor to create a single school of social or political science like John W. Burgess’ school at Columbia, the departments within the school might have possessed a family resemblance; but obviously Harper made no such appointment and perhaps he never thought of trying to do so. If he had, perhaps the University’s life would have been less rich in sources of intellectual stimulation than it was. Conceivably, the several head professors might have been brought together in [p. 165] one seminar like the one at Hopkins; and assuredly the pyrotechnics would have been thrilling for the students. But the head professors were not brought together as teachers. A trace of interdepartmentalism does appear in the organization of the four departments as the “historical group” in 1899. It concerned itself with library problems and the correlation of courses.4

The salaries of the head professors corresponded in size to their preeminence in departmental affairs. A profile of salaries in a given department would have resembled a pyramid rather than a mesa. One reason for this situation was, of course, the necessity of paying premium prices if the University was to attract” very able men whose talents were appreciated elsewhere. In reaching for Albion Small, for instance, Harper was competing with Colby College for its president. Admittedly the competition was not purely mercenary. Harper offered a head professor not only high salary, but an opportunity to develop the resources of a learned or scientific field. At a time when research often lived on short rations, it must have been exhilarating to be approached by Harper with the news that the University of Chicago would pay handsomely for the direction of research. But other universities were also bidding for men like the head professors at Chicago. Herbert B. Adams declined an invitation to Chicago because he already had at the John Hopkins what the head professors were promised at Chicago. So, from the beginning, the University had to labor to get and keep the kind of men it wanted to lead the departments. It would appear indeed that Harper was occasionally led by his enthusiasm to say things which were understood by his hearers to be promises of research arrangements which could [p. 166] not be brought altogether into being. The early brilliance of the University is clouded by some disappointments and even bitterness.

Research as well as teaching, it appears, was paid for out of the general University income appropriated for salaries. Special University funds for research and outside grants were beyond the horizon of the future. Indeed, Mr. Rockefeller’s second gift and subsequent gifts were presumably made on the principle that research would be paid for out of general funds to supplement regular tuition income. It was the policy to ask all professors to carry a regular teaching load, but that part of his salary which was paid in consideration of his obligation to do research was in effect his research grant.

But what were the social science departments, so organized and financed, supposed to do? Harper cast a university in the role of servant to mankind and emphasized the contribution which a university ought to make to democracy as spokesman, mediator, and philosopher. Like prophets, members of the University were supposed to address not only their academic colleagues, but the mass of men as well; like priests they were supposed to live above the conflict of human interests but they were to be active in mitigating the strife which divides mankind; and like philosophers they were to seek the laws or principles of democracy. One might suppose that Harper had in mind a division of labor according to which one professor used university extension to address the world and another did “pure” research, for instance on the concentration of wealth, which Harper mentions. This supposition is supported by the partial specialization of duties which did become customary. Yet it never became complete. It is highly significant that Harper did not distinguish sharply between the extension and the diffusion of knowledge. He had that balance of mind which keeps a man from sniffing at popularization or sneering at erudition. He was neither academic demagogue nor prig. The root of his attitude very likely lay in depths of character which one cannot probe historically, but some explanation can be [p. 167] found in the nature of his own specialty, the elucidation of the Old Testament. The truth Harper sought as a scholar lay behind the barriers of a difficult language and complicated texts; but it was a truth which could be found out. Once discovered, however, it would fail of its purpose if all men did not have it to guide their daily lives for the good of their immortal souls. Harper did not, of course, make claims of the supernatural merit of democracy; but he did carry over into his view of mundane affairs not only a belief in the efficacy and availability of truth, but also the twofold conviction that learning was required if men were to have truth and that truth about society must be taken to the men and women who make up society. For the social scientist at the University of Chicago this meant that the President respected both pure research and practical activity and did not expect a professor to act as if the two were mutually exclusive.

 

After the Beginning

Ten years after the University opened, Harper felt that the first exciting work was finished. The task of the future was to keep the University strong and lively without an annual transfusion of the Founder’s wealth to meet current expenses. John D. Rockefeller continued to be deeply interested in the University, but he insisted that the deficits should disappear. The retrenchment of sanguine hopes, if not of actual operations, which this desire made necessary went against the grain of Harper’s nature. He had the genius of the great entrepreneur who dares to combine men and things in brilliant new constellations at a risk which dismays his well-wishers, but he had no gift for careful house-keeping. His successor, Harry Pratt Judson, did command that skill. In remarkably short order, he saved the University from the threat of acute embarassment and perhaps from collapse; and the Founder made his final gift of $10,000,000 payable over ten years. So the President could count upon an annual increase of receipts for the greater part of his administration.

[p. 168] Judson’s personal views on the organization of research are reflected in his response to certain queries put to him by President Hall of Clark, who raised the question among others of prescribing the problem of an investigation before-hand with appropriations for so much for such a purpose:

“We expect work in research to be done normally by all our staff, and to that end we try not to overburden them with teaching. In some cases we have given special inducements to carry on a particular piece of research, by way of relieving the officer in question of a part of his normal duties. We have found no difficulty on that head. I am not in favor of establishing research professorships, but rather of encouraging particular pieces of research when they seem warranted. . . I cannot say that I can forecast the future of research as between universities and special institutions. It must occur in both, and each, doubtless, has its field. It seems to me that investigation of particular value is a matter which cannot be determined by general rules or by departmental lines, but is something wholly personal in character, and dependent on the abilities and ambitions of certain individuals. It is only in that line that I look for a large measure of success.”

For the purpose of supporting research and publication, Judson advocated the creation of a research fund from gifts. No endowment devoted specifically to these matters existed, but such funds were needed. For pressing necessities of instruction or of other things tended to divert funds from research. This general theme was taken up by the Senate Committee on Research, which proposed the creation of a General University Research Foundation and of Special University Research Institutes. The Committee remarked on the establishment of endowed research institutes, separate from universities, as an indication that the typical university organization, such as Chicago’s, was not regarded as being capable of satisfying the research needs of the time. But separate institutes did not provide for a succession of researchers; nor did the separate institutes allow the investigators to maintain continuous organic contact with the entire body of knowledge as represented in a large university. The expression of these sentiments, however, did not lead immediately to much action except perhaps to the creation of the Norman Wait Harris Foundation.

[p. 169] Quite early in the Judson administration, the government of the departments was changed. In 1909, a faculty committee took a hard look at the system of departmental organization around heads of departments. (In 1899, the title “Head Professor” had become “Professor and Head of Department. “) The facts upon which the Committee based its recommendations are not specified; but conditions in the departments of political economy, political science, history, and sociology and anthropology suggest the situation which called for scrutiny. When the University opened, the principle of “concentrated responsibility” corresponded roughly with the differences in experience between the head professors and the other members of the departments. With possibly only one exception, no member of a department who was not a head professor had had such experience that he could claim that a top salary and standing was denied him unjustly. The special provision for head professors was not working hardship. By 1908-09, however, the rungs of the ladder just short of the top were filling up. Ten of the thirty-nine members of the four departments were full professors, which meant that six had gone as far as they could go and were still in an inferior position. This situation was, of course, the natural result of the growth of the departments and of promotions in the lower and middle rank; but the situation was nonetheless unsatisfactory in the eyes of the committee of 1909. It believed that with the growth of the University it was becoming increasingly important that the system of organization should make possible the securing and retaining of as many men of the first grade of ability as the needs of the fields and the resources of the University permitted, and that the system should be sufficiently flexible to favor the employment of each member of a department in the kind of work to which he was best suited. The existing system failed to meet the first condition because only one member of a department could attain the maximum rank and salary, and it failed to meet the second condition because maximum rank and salary seemed to be connected exclusively with administrative responsibilities. In the words of a second committee commissioned to rephrase the report of the [p. 170] first, the existing system, as it was commonly understood, operated “to make it difficult to secure or retain men of high ability and recognized eminence for those professorships which are regarded as subordinate.” The same committee pointed out that the policy of assigning one man a maximum salary and requiring him to perform as an administrator might be based on either of two grounds. The larger salary and the title might be accorded in recognition of general eminence. In that case the assignment of administrative duties to the head would seem to proceed on the presumption that the most eminent man is the person to administer the department. But the most eminent man might not be well adapted to administration, and even if he was capable in that direction, it might seem unwise for the University to use his time in that way rather than in research. Or if the larger salary might be attached to the position primarily as special compensation for administration, then that appeared to place an unduly high valuation upon administration as compared with research and teaching. The way which the University took to escape this dilemma was to replace heads of departments with chairmen and to grant whole departments a larger share in the determination of policy than they enjoyed before.

Although in some cases chairmanships actually differed less from head professorships than the reformers seem to have intended, the constitutional changes of 1909 raise the question, did each department cease gradually to be the lenthened shadow of a man, if that is not too strong a phrase to describe the original system? One of the nicest problems of all for the critic of university policy and organization is to discover how much of the influence of a professor of unusually great mind and force of personality is increased or curtailed by the formal system within which he works. We can all think of men who were “head professors” without benefit of title or special powers under the statutes. Without attempting to make a final judgment, one can hazard the suggestion that the reform in departmental organization did work to undermine the conditions which favored [p. 171] domination by a single man in each department but that it did so only indirectly. The new system no more prevented a vigorous man from influencing his colleagues than the old system had obligated the heads of departments to rule arbitrarily, but the reform did make room at the top of each department for as many men as the University could afford to pay at the highest rates. Had this not happened, the frustration of men just short of the top would have been immense as departments grew in size and more and more men were promoted through the middle ranks. Can anyone doubt that despair and resentment would have alienated the best men first? It was indeed hard enough as it was to keep good men in the face of retrenchment. Needless to say, however, the University did not lose all its very able men; and it managed in the course of time to increase their number. To say what this meant is to walk on the sands of conjecture. Increases in the number of first-rate scholars may have encouraged an intellectual eclecticism precluding the kind of leadership which one man may be able to exercise at the moment a department is organized.

But was something to replace the heads of departments as a source of stimulation as the old system disintegrated? As we have seen, Judson placed his confidence in the individual scholars’ abilities and ambitions; and it would appear that he usually let the organization of research rest there. In 1915 a Senate committee recommended a grouping of departments which may have prepared men’s minds a little for later inter-departmental activity; but the committee spoke only of the “administrative purposes” to be served by its recommendation. There was no mention of consultation on research or of cooperative sponsorship of research.

The emphasis on administration in the 1915 recommendations is typical of the Judson regime. The University ran smoothly and efficiently under the skillful guidance of the President; but it appears to have been propelled forward more by momentum than by the generation of new forces. The University was also more stable and more like other universities than it had been in [p. 172] Harper’s time. It was only natural that events would be less dramatic from day to day once the essential plan of the University had been put into effect than they had been when everything remained to be done. The longevity of heads of departments may also have had something to do with the tone of the Judson administration. History had three heads between 1892 and the time of Judson’s retirement, but political science and sociology retained their original heads of department until 1922 and 1924 respectively. Political economy had its original head of department until 1916. (Incidentally, political science had but two chief officers from 1892 to 1941 and sociology had but two from 1892 to 1940. The phenomenon of rapid turnover in chairmanship is recent.) Led as it was by veterans, Chicago was no longer a freshman university. Its virtues and its failings were those of settled maturity.

 

The Day Before Yesterday

The early Twenties was a time of protean discontent over the state of the University and of the social sciences. One cause of anxiety was the erosion of time for research. It will be recalled that Harper was decidedly interested in undergraduate education and that it was not entirely separated from graduate work at the University. It will also be recalled that instructors at all levels of the faculty were expected as a matter of policy to carry a regular teaching load. In theory, these policies did not inhibit the pursuit of knowledge; but in practice, they produced a reaction against collegiate instruction as its demands appeared to eat away the opportunity to do research. Also capable research men seemed to be falling prey to a mechanical application of the rules governing teaching assignments and to be carrying too much instruction of graduate students. Beyond this, salary schedules were comparatively low. This adversity sharpened awareness of research as a mission of a university just at the time when the growth of independent research institutes threw the future of university research into a state of uncertainty.

[p. 173] Albion Small, then Dean of the Graduate School of Arts and Literature, was especially worried, both over the lack of needed stimulants within the graduate schools of the University and also over the aimlessness of the social sciences. The graduate schools, he said were “under-energizing” chiefly because they were amorphous groups of autonomous departments. The deans were little more than proctors. With a change in the constitution of the University, however, they might be given some opportunity to show initiative in the performance of cooperative and strategic functions. The departments would then be stimulated, Small asserted, by more direct contact through the dean with the entire economy of each graduate school. Turning to the departments of the social sciences in particular, Small observed there a spirit of “prophetic unrest”:

“Everyone believes that his department, and social science as a whole, has a mission; but at no time since the work of the University began has there been in the group such evident dissatisfaction with its own inability to define that mission in a way that will command general assent. . . We have not yet threshed out the question — What for? To what end? . . . Some of our own number, and many others both inside and outside the academic class, charge social scientists in general with wasting their time and resources upon futilities, instead of concentrating their abilities upon discovery of something worthwhile. We are under indictment for resting content with satisfying smug pedantic curiosities, instead of contributing to the world’s knowledge of the way of salvation. . . I report this [Small continued after further comment in the same vein] not in sorrow but with rejoicing. I regard it as a notably healthy situation. We are first of all unsatisfied with ourselves, and this disturbance is not likely to diminish until we can give a more coherent account of our reasons for existence than is possible at present.”

Other voices were raised on the same general subject. Charles E. Merriam called the President’s attention to the fact that the department of Political Science had languished for many years because of lack of a leader under the most distressing circumstances. Merriam had in the forefront of his mind the conception of a new study of politics. He thought in terms of investigation which called upon many disciplines, and he anticipated the development of cooperative activity. “Science,” he had [p. 174] written in 1921, “is a great cooperative enterprise in which many intelligences must labor together. There must always be wide scope for the spontaneous and unregimented activity of the individual, but the success of the expedition is conditioned upon some general plan of organization. Least of all can there be anarchy in social science, or chaos in the theory of political order.” Leon C. Marshall and William H. Spencer urged that the instructors in economics and business should intensively cultivate the borderlands between economics on one side and business, technology, psychology, the evolution of institutional life, law, and home economics on the other. Earlier a committee on the Harris Foundation had envisaged it as the beginning of an institute of international relations which would be the nucleus for a gathering of interested departments.

During his brief but energetic administration, President Ernest D. Burton mounted a frontal attack on the causes of discontent. He set his face against the abolition of undergraduate instruction; but he accepted the difference between undergraduate and graduate work as a fundamental principle. His policy was to develop each type of study according to its own character and requirements without seeking lines of compromise between the two. Clearly he did not intend to preside over the liquidation of the college or of research. He did see that both were in danger of death, the one from violence the other from malnutrition.

Through several years the college was studied and reorganized without much intermission until it reached a state where its social science courses were severed from those of the departments. So presently the members of the departments were relieved of the excessive burden of undergraduate teaching and of the teaching itself. At the same time, the rigors of an overly mechanical application of the rules on teaching loads appear to have been relaxed across the University while the endowment of distinguished service professorships further improved the lot of research men. A general fund campaign also held out promise of larger resources to feed research. It is worth notice that in [p. 175] building up the social sciences Burton preferred strengthening the departments to establishing the School of Politics which Merriam advocated.

These policies were variations of a tonic that the physicians of research had been prescribing for years: lots of fresh endowment money and frequent vacations from class-room duty. This was the classic remedy for languishing investigation, and it was one which the University had tried with great success in the past. A large part of the Rockefeller gifts consisted of additions to endowment without which, it seems safe to say, the University would have been quite incapable of attracting and holding the investigators who gave the University its reputation for erudition. When the last installment of the Founder’s final gift was paid in, the University had to rely very heavily upon other donors and upon the foundations, several of which were of course established by John D. Rockefeller. Large segments of his fortune were to come to the University, but not directly from him personally. It happened at this juncture that the foundations showed less inclination to give to endowment and more inclination to make project grants than they had earlier. The community was invited to contribute to research by the stipulation in some grants that funds would be released only when they had been matched by contributions from civic or other bodies with a particular problem to be studied.

The first of the project grants to the social sciences at the University came from the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial. Its director was Beardsley Ruml, who had been at the University of Chicago from 1915 to 1917. Before his appointment as director of the newly founded Foundation, little Rockefeller money had been spent in direct support of research in the social sciences largely because Frederick Gates had no faith in its importance. Ruml, however, represented a very different point of view, and he set about to find what the historian of the Rockefeller Foundation has called “strategic undertakings for financial support as well as opportunities for dramatizing the importance of social studies.” The First World War had already forced men to see the need for all sorts of reliable statistics on the state of society, [p. 176] and organizations like the Brookings Institution and the National Bureau of Economic Research were beginning to function.5

So in 1923, the Memorial offered support for study of the University’s local community. This area had by no means been ignored by the social scientists of the University. The sociologists had, for instance, spoken in 1894 of the city of Chicago as one of the most complete social laboratories in the world, and the economists had remarked on the opportunities which the city offered for the study of practical economic questions. When in the years after the first grant the interests of researchers led them beyond the limits of the local community, it was found possible to use part of the grants which followed the first to finance research having little or nothing to do with the city. So the University could accept project grants without departing from the field of its own interests. It could also enter heartily into the organization of interdepartmental agencies to administer research funds and to conduct joint investigations because the parochialism of some aspects of departmentalism had already been detected. In short, the grants did not work an unwanted revolution. Even if the change in finance and administration had been accepted only under duress, it would not have touched all investigation; for much research continued under the old dispensation. The grants did, however, alter the metabolism of the social sciences. The financial nutriment of much research came to the scholar through channels which were new.

The first of the new interdepartmental organizations was the Local Community Research Committee, set up to administer the grant from the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial. Originally this committee, like an earlier one on the Harris Foundation, was composed of departmental representatives; but it presently ceased to be so composed when the principle of departmental representation was abandoned. As a series of grants materialized and as the concerns of the committee proliferated beyond local geographical limits, the phrase “Local Community Research” gave way to “Social Science Research” so that the name of the committee corresponded to its broadened charge. At this point, then, a general committee on research in the social sciences became a fixture of the University. In effect this committee related the departments to the general economy of study in the social sciences somewhat as Albion Small had hoped a dean would bring the departments into touch with the economy of the arts and literature side of the University. The creation of the Division of the Social Sciences with its own dean worked to the same end. The financing of research no longer lay wholly within the realms of departmental appropriations and of income derived from student fees and dividends from endowment. This, it should be noted, did not increase as speedily as it should have in order to satisfy the requirements of the theory that income in the form of temporary grants ought presently to be replaced by income from permanent capital.

With renewed concern for research came a need for more equipment and the in-gathering of research activities to one building. For years the departments in the “historical group” had a library of their own, but no building to themselves. Thanks to the Rockefeller Foundation, in 1929, the social scientists of the University had the pleasure of attending the dedication of the Social Science Research Building. Today, when classes habitually meet in this building, one easily forgets that it was not intended for classrooms at all. Its opening was truly a dedication — to research. . Behind the thought that the building was a laboratory lay the conviction that social science had so expanded in the material which the investigator had to control that special and elaborate equipment was absolutely necessary, if social science was to live up to its ambition. The investigator also needed the assistance of technicians and stenographers, for whom provision was made in the planning of the building. Social science research was passing from the handicraft to the industrial stage.

But what of the individual scholar: could he ignore the shift of finance and organization with the serenity of the farmer who [p. 178] cultivates his own rich acres despite the tilting of continents? As no final answer can be extracted from such notes as these, suffice it here to review the record in its bearings on three of the conditions of productive intellectual labor — time, stimulation, and liberty to follow the subtle promptings of imagination.

Harper used the regular funds of the University to buy time for colonies of scholars. To be paid to investigate society must in itself have been enormously stimulating at a time when university appointments were still something of a novelty. The head professors were challenged by the terms of their office to open up new fields of knowledge; and their associates shared in the opportunity without losing their intellectual identity. Harper indeed had a gift for persuading even the most callow student that his mind really mattered, and Harper communicated to his colleagues a deep sense of the mission of a university in a democratic society. He was not wholly successful, however, in creating the spirit of unity which he thought a university should have. Like many other leaders, he faced the difficulties of arranging a working union of individualism and community life. The departments which he brought into being were more or less self-contained groups of men possessed of a vested interest in particular lines of endeavor. Once a colony of researchers occupies such a position and is given the right of self-perpetuation through autonomous action on appointments and promotions, it cannot easily be persuaded to change its course even when an outside observer may believe that it has already run that course. The compensating advantage of departmental permanence and autonomy lies in the security they provide the member of a department in his pursuit of knowledge according to his own lights. If a man’s investigations come into question, the jury is composed of his immediate associates and peers. Next to a private income, then, a tenure appointment in a stable department is the best guarantee of one’s right to follow curiosity wherever it leads.

This inheritance from the Harper administration was the center of the Judson policy. By stabilizing the University financially and by increasing its endowments, Judson built defenses [p. 179] around the security of the individual scholar, on whom he placed responsibility for initiating research. The reform of departmental organization and salary scales at least in theory relieved research men from administrative routine and gave the junior members of a department hope that the full incentives of premium salaries and prestige would not be denied them at the height of their careers. The growth of teaching obligations, however, put an unwelcome lien on the researcher’s time. Also Judson does not appear to have been able to provide by himself or to create agencies to provide the stimulation which had marked the Harper regime. The University by no means lost sight of research, but more than one of its members felt a sense of frustration on behalf of investigation by the end of the Judson administration.

In the Twenties and after, the allowance of time for research increased markedly; and the investigator received many varied stimulants. New money and new organizations appeared to facilitate the study of the social sciences. By the side of the old departments arose a cluster of interdepartmental committees as well as the office of the Dean. The Social Sciences Research Building served to house new colonies of researchers with their equipment. The groups supported by foundation and other grants were indeed reminiscent of the infancy of the departments. Here again were companies of men and women drawn together by a common interest in exploration under the leadership of seminal and enthusiastic minds. The new colonies did not, however, have a claim on the regular budget. Investigation might be immensely stimulating while it lasted; but the investigators could not assume that funds would continue to materialize. Also there is evidence that the deference to the needs of the community which was associated with some projects inclined some individuals away from established interests. Personal scholarship lay in some danger of being overshadowed; but not all projects constituted such a threat and not all research by any means was supported by grants. The economy of the social sciences had become decidedly mixed.

[p. 180] Superficially the conduct of research was much more complicated and unstable after the first World War than it had been in other days. It would be a mistake, however, to create a myth of an Arcadian age when the life of the investigator was altogether simple and secure. Each period of the history of the social sciences at Chicago has had its tensions, and each has produced a balance of policies and practices which can be reduced to no single formula. One task of self-study, therefore, is to ascertain how the balance has shifted through the years.

 

[NOTES]

  1. This document was prepared by Richard J. Storr of the Department of History at the request of the Self Study Committee. The author wishes to express his thanks to his assistants, Mrs. Vera Laska, Mr. William R. Usellis, and Mr. James S. Counelis, for the special trouble to which they have gone for the sake of this paper.
  2. Professor George Pierson has pointed out that the government of Yale College at the turn of the century was baronial, William G. Sumner being the best known of the barons. Before one concludes, however, that Yale and Chicago were alike, one should , note that such esprit de corps as Yale had probably differed from the spirit at Chicago. The President of Yale could assume that many members of his faculty would unite at least as loyal alumni of the institution. He had respect for tradition on his side. Harper could draw only on the sense of unity which a common future rather than a common past may inspire.
  3. Andrew C. MacLaughlin’s phrase.
  4. In 1902, the phrase “Social Sciences” appears in the group’s name. The acceptance of the earlier name has an interesting — and for the academic politician, an instructive — history. The report of the organizing committee of 1899 was approved without change except for one clause, the proposal that the unit be called the ‘”historical group.” No alternative name, however, received official sanction so that the secretary of the committee continued to use the offensive label, presumably because he had to call the group something. By default, then, “historical group” came into common usage.
  5. Raymond B. Fosdick, The Story of the Rockefeller Foundation (New York. 1952). p. 195.

 

Source: Richard J. Storr, A Report on the Behavioral Sciences at the University of Chicago. Appendix Document D of Self-Study Committee. October 1, 1954.

 

Categories
Chicago Columbia Cornell Courses Economists Harvard Johns Hopkins Michigan Pennsylvania Yale

Graduate Economics Courses. 23 US Universities. 1898-99

In this posting we have a compilation of virtually all the graduate courses in economics (and sociology) offered at the major graduate schools in the U.S. at the end of the 19th century. Source 

Barnard
Brown
BrynMawr
California
Chicago
Columbia
Cornell
Harvard
Hopkins
Stanford
Michigan
Minnesota
Missouri
NYU
Northwestern
Pennsylvania
Princeton
Radcliffe
Vanderbilt
Wellesley
WesternReserve
Wisconsin
Yale

____________________

EXPLANATORY

“ To state the numbers of Graduate Students who have taken courses in each department during 1897-8, thus giving an indication of the amount of graduate work actually going on. A Graduate Student often takes courses in two or more departments; such student counts once in each of those departments….

…The number of hours per week is put in small Roman, the number of weeks in Arabic numerals. A dash, followed by a mark of interrogation, calls attention to the absence of specific information. Unless months are given, a course usually extends from September or October to May or June (inclusive). The abbreviations for the names of the months are as follows: Ja., F., Mar., Ap., My., Jun., Jul., Au., S., O., N., D.

…[Enclosed] in brackets all courses not to be given in 1898-9. Bracketed courses usually may be expected in 1899-1900.

…[Marked] with the asterisk all courses “not designed primarily for Graduate Students.” It should be borne in mind that “Graduate work” in each institution is conditioned by local plans of administration, as well as by the previous preparation of Graduate Students. The marking of a course with an asterisk simply means that (under the conditions prevailing in his institution) the instructor does not offer the course with a primary purpose of meeting the needs of Graduate Students. But the inclusion of the course in these lists indicates that it is often useful to such students.” [p. liii]

 

 

 

  1. ECONOMICS, SOCIOLOGY, ANTHROPOLOGY, AND ETHNOLOGY. 

(Including Finance and Statistics. See also 9 and 11.)

 

BARNARD.
16 Graduate Students, 1897-8.

[All Graduate Courses in Columbia under 10 open to Barnard Graduate Students.]

 

BROWN.
8 Graduate Students, 1897-8.

 

Henry B. Gardner, Assoc. Prof. of Pol. Econ.
A.B., Brown, ’84, and A.M., ’87; Ph.D., Johns Hopkins, ’90;
Instr. in Pol. Econ., Brown, ’88-’90.

Hist. of Economic Thought.* iii, 12, S.-D.
Economic Policy. iii, 12, S.-D.
Money and Banking.* iii, 11, Ja.-Mar.
Public Finance.* iii, 10, Ap.-Jun.
Practical Economic Questions.* iii, 12, S.-D.
Economic Theory (adv.) iii, 11, Ja.-Mar.

 

George G. Wilson, Prof. of Social and Pol. Science.
A.B., Brown, ’86, A.M., and Ph.D., ’89;
Assoc. Prof. of Social and Pol. Science, ’91-5.

Princ. of Sociol.* iii, 12, S.-D.
Social Conditions and Probs.* iii, 21, Ja.-Jun.
Current Social Theory and Practice. i, 33.
Sociology. Seminary. Fort.

 

James Q. Dealey, Asst. Prof. of Social and Pol. Science.
A.B. Brown, ’90, A.M., ’92, and Ph.D., ’95.

Devel. of Social Theory. iii, 12, S.-D.
Social Philos. iii, 11, Ja.-Mar.
[Segregation of Population. iii, 10, Ap.-Jun.]

 

Alpheus S. Packard, Prof. of Zool. and Geol.
Ph.D., Bowdoin;
Libr. and Custodian, Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., ’65; Lect., Mass. Agricult. Col. ’69-’77; Maine Agricult. Col., ’71; Bowdoin, ‘73-6.

Anthropology.* iii, 10, Ap.-Jun.

 

 

BRYN MAWR.

3 Graduate Students, 1897-8.
1 Fel. $525 in Hist. of Political Science.

 

Lindley M. Keasbey, Assoc. Prof. of Pol. Sci.
A.B., Harv., ’88; Ph.D., Columbia, ’90;
Asst. in Econ., Columbia, and Lect. on Pol. Sci., Barnard, ’92; R.P.D., Strassburg, ’92; Prof. of Hist., Econ., and Pol. Sci., State Univ. of Col., ’92-4.

Economic Institutions. i, 30.
Am. Primitive Society. i, 30.
Am. Commerce. i, 30.
Descriptive Sociology.* iii, 30.
Theoretical Sociology.* ii, 30.

 

 

CALIFORNIA.

1 Graduate Student, 1897-8.

 

Bernard Moses, Prof. of Hist. and Pol. Econ.
Ph.D., Heidelberg.

Economic Theory.* iv, 16, Ja.-My.
[Econ. Condition of Laborers in Eng. ii, 16, Au.-D.]

 

Carl C. Plehn, Assoc. Prof. of Hist. and Pol. Science.
A.B., Brown; Ph.D., Gottingen.

[Federal Expenditures, Revenues and Debts. ii, 32.]
Industrial and Commercial Hist. of U. S. ii, 32.
[Currency and Banking. ii, 32.]
Finance and Taxation.* iv. 16, Ja.-My.
Statistics. Hist., Theory, and Method, as applied to Econ. Investigation.* ii, 16, Au.-D
Local Govt. and Admin. —?

 

CHICAGO.

 40 Graduate Students, 1897-8; and 40 in Summer Quarter, ‘97, in Political Economy;55 Graduate Students, 1897-8; and 95 in Summer Quarter, ’97, in Sociology. Pol. Econ., Club and Social Science Club fortnightly. Dept. libs. of Pol. Econ., Sociol. and Anthropol. have leading magazines and 6,000 vols. In Anthropol. Dept. of Walker Museum, coll. of 3,000 pieces on Archaeol. of Mexico,valuable colls. on Cliff and Cave Dwellings, and Japan and Aleutian Islands; also complete anthropometrical apparatus. Access to the Fieid Columbian Museum. 6 Fels. in Pol. Econ. 4 in Sociol. 1 Fel. in Anthropol.

 

J. Laurence Laughlin, Head Prof. of Pol. Econ.
A.B., Harv., ’73; A.M., and Ph.D., ’76;
Instr. in Pol. Econ., same, ’83-8; Prof. Pol. Econ. and Finance, Cornell, ’90-2.

Money and Banking. iv, 12, Jul.-S.
Seminar. ii, 12, O.-D.
Money. iv, 12, Ja.-Mar.
Seminar. ii, 12, Ja.-Mar.
Unsettled Problems. iv, 12, Ap.-Jun.
Seminar. ii, 12, Ap.-Jun.

 

Bernard Moses, Prof. of History and Political Economy, Univ. of Cal.
Ph.B., Univ. of Mich., ’70; Ph.D., Heidelberg, ‘73;
Prof. of History and Engl. Lit., Albion Col. ’75; Prof. of Hist. Univ. Cal. ’75-6; Prof. Hist. and Pol. Econ. Univ. Cal. ’76.

Practical Economics.* iv, 12, Jul.-S., and O.-D.
Advanced Course on Theory. iv, 12, Jul.-S., and O.-D.

 

Adolph C. Miller, Prof. of Finance.
A.B., California, ‘87 A.M., Harv., ‘88;
Instr., in Pol. Econ., Harv., ’89-’00; Lect. on Pol. Econ., California, ’90-1, and Asst. Prof.-elect of Hist. and Pol. Sci., same, ’91; Assoc. Prof. Pol. Econ. and Finance, Cornell, ’91-2; Assoc. Prof. Pol. Econ., Chicago, ’92-3.

[Public Finance. iv, 12, O.-D.]
[Economic and Social Hist. iv, 24, Ja.-Jun.]
Public Finance.* iv, 12, Ja.-Mar.
Financial Hist.* U. S. iv, 12, Ap.-Jun.
[Pol. Econ (adv).* iv, 12, Ap.-Jun.]
[Taxation. iv, 12, Ja.-Mar.]
Seminar in Finance. ii, 12, Ja.-Mar.

 

William Hill, Asst. Prof. of Pol. Econ.
A.B., Kansas, ’90; A.B., Harv., ’91, and A.M., ’92;
Fellow, Harv., ‘91-3; Instr. Pol. Econ., same, ’93; Tutor Pol. Econ., Chicago, ’93-4; Instr., same, ’94-7.

Tariff Hist.* iv, 12, Ja.-Mar.
Railway Transportation.* iv, 12, O.-D.
Oral Debates.* ii, 24, O.-Mar. (With Messrs. Damon and Lovett.)
Comparative Railway Legislation.* iv, 12, Ja.-Mar.
Banking.* iv, 12, Ap.-Jun.
Money and Banking. iv, 12, O.-D.

 

Thorstein B. Veblen, Instr. in Pol. Econ.
A.B., Carleton, ‘80; Ph.D., Yale, ‘84;
Fellow in Economics and Finance, Cornell, ’91-2; Fellow, Chicago, ’92-3; Reader in Pol. Econ., same, ’93-4; Tutor, same, ’94-6.

Hist. of Pol. Econ.* iv, 12, O.-D.
Scope and Method of Pol. Econ.* iv, 12, Ja.-Mar.
Socialism. iv, 24, Ja.-Jun.
American Agriculture. iv, 12, Ap.-Jun.
Economic Factors of Civilization. iv, 12, Ap.-Jun.

 

Henry Rand Hatfield, Instr. in Pol. Econ.
A.B., Northwestern, ’92; Ph.D., Chicago, ’97;
Prof. of Pol. Econ. Washington Univ., ’95-7.

Railway Accounts, Exchanges, etc.* iv, 12, O.-D.
Processes of Leading Industries. iv, 12, Ja.-Mar.
Coöperation.* iv, 12, Ap.-Jun.

 

A.W. Small, Head Prof. of Sociol.
A.B., Colby, ’76, and A.M.’79; Ph.D., Johns Hopkins, ’89;
Prof. Hist. and Pol. Econ., Colby, ’81-8; Reader in Hist., Johns Hopkins, ’88-9; Pres., Colby, ’89-’92.

Social Teleology. iv, 12, Ja.-Mar.
Sociol. Methodology. viii, 6, Jul.-Au., and iv, 12, O.-D.
[Philos. of Soc. iv. 12, O.-D. State and Govt., Ja.-Mar. Socialism, Ap.-Jun. Social Functions U.S. Govt. iv, 6, Jul.-Au. Contemp. Soc, Jul.-Au.]
[Sem. Probs. in Social Teleology. ii, 36, O.-Jun.]
Social Dynamics. iv, 12, Ap.-Jun.
[Historical Sociology. iv, 12, Ja.- Mar.]
[Outlines of Constructive Social Philos. Philos. of Society. iv, 12, O.-D. The Social Problem. iv, 12, Ja.-Mar. Philos. of State and Govt. iv, 12, Ap.-S.]
[Seminar. Problems of Social Dynamics. ii, 36, O.-Jun.]
Seminar. Problems in Methodology and Classification. ii, 36, O.-Jun.
[Am. Experience with State Control of Social Action. iv, Ja.-Mar.]
Controlling Ideas of Modern Society. iv, 12. Ap.-Jun., and iv, 6, Jul.-Au.
[Some Pending Problems in Sociology. iv, 6, Jul.-Au.]
[The Sociological Method of Stating the Social Problem and of Arranging Evidence, Applied to a Selected Hist. Period. iv, 6, Jul.-Au.]
[Comparative Study of Social Forces in Am. and French Democracy. iv, 6, O.-D.]

 

C. R. Henderson, Assoc. Prof. of Sociol.
A.B., Old Univ. of Chicago, ’70, and A.M., ‘73; D.B. Baptist Union Theol. Sem., ’73; D.D., same, ’83;
Assist. Prof. Sociol., Chicago, ’92-4.

Methods of Social Amelioration. Sem. ii, 36, O.-Jun.
[The Domestic Inst. iv, 12, O.-D.]
Associations for Sociability and Culture. iv, 12, O.-D.
[Social Reform. iv, 12, Ja.-Mar.]
[Beneficent Forces of Cities. iv, 12, Ja.-Mar.]
Social Inst. of Organized Christianity. iv, 12, O.-D.
Social Treatment of Crime. iv, 6, Au.-S.
[Bibl. and Eccles. Social Theories. iv, 12, Ja.-Mar.]
[Field Work in Local Institutions of Charity and Correction. iv, 12, Ap.-Jun.]
The Family.* iv, 12, O.-D.
The Labor Movement.* iv, 12, Ja.-Mar.
Amelioration of Rural Life. iv, 6, Jul.-Au.
Modern Cities. iv, 12, Ja.-Mar.
Contemporary Charities. iv, 12, Ap.-Jun.
Philanthropy. iv, 12, Ap.-Jun.

 

Marion Talbot, Assoc. Prof. of Sanitary Science.
A.B., Boston Univ.’80, and A.M., ’82; B.S., Mass. Inst. of Technology, ’88;
Instr. Domestic Science, Wellesley, ’90-2.

General Hygiene.* iv, 12, Ap.-Jun.
Seminar. Sanitary Science.* iv, 36, O.-Jun.
House Sanitation.* iv, 12, O.-D.
Economy of Living. iv, 12, Ap.-Jun.
Sanitary Aspects of Water, Food, and Clothing. iv, 12, Ja.-Mar.

 

Charles Zueblin, Assoc. Prof. of Sociol.
Ph.B., Northwestern, ’87; D.B., Yale, ’89.

Social Philos. of Eng. People in the Victorian Era. iv, 12, Ap.-Jun. and Jul.-S.
Structure of Eng. Society.* iv, 12, Ap.-Jun. and Jul.-S.

 

G. E. Vincent, Asst. Prof. of Sociology.
A.B., Yale, ’85; Ph.D., Chicago, ’96;
Vice-Principal, Chautauqua System, ‘88-pr; Fellow in Sociology, Chicago, ’92-4.

Course in Statistics.
[Province of Sociol. iv, 12, O.-D.]
[Social Structure. iv, 12, Ja.-Mar.]
The Social Mind and Education. iv, 12, Ap.-Jun.
Contemporary Society in the U. S.* iv, 12, O.-D.
Am. City Life.* iv, 12, Ja.-Mar.
Introd. to Study of Society.* iv, 12, Ap.-Jun.
Introd. to Sociology,* iv, 12, O.-D.
The Theory of the Social Mind. iv, 12, Ja.-Mar.

 

W. I. Thomas, Asst. Prof. of Sociol.

A.B., Univ. of Tenn., ’84; A.M., ’85; Ph.D., Chicago, ’96;
Prof. of English, Oberlin, ’89—’93; Fellow in Sociol., Chicago, ’93-4; Instr. in Folk-psychology, Chicago, ’95-6.

Folk-psychol. iv, 12, O.-D., and Ap.-Jun.
[Primitive Social Control. iv, 12, O.-D. Seminar.]
[Art and Amusement in Folk-psychol. iv, 12, Ja.-Mar. Sex. Ap.-Jun.]
[Analogy and Suggestion in Folk-psychol. iv, 12, Ja.-Mar. The Child. Ap.-Jun.]
[Intro. to Study of Soc.* iv, 12, Jul.-S.]
Ethnological Æsthetic. iv, 12, Ap.-Jun.
The Primitive Social Mind. iv, 12, Ja.-Mar.
Sex in Folk-psychology. iv, 12, Ja.-Mar.
[Hungarian and South Slavonian Ethnology and Folk-psychol. iv, 12, O.-D.]
Primitive Social Control. iv, 12, O.-D.

 

Lester F. Ward, Professorial Lecturer in Sociol., Smithsonian Institution.
A.B., Columbia, ‘69; LL.B., same, ‘71; A.M., ’73; LL.D., ’97.

Dynamic Sociology. iv, 4, Au.-S.
Social Mechanics. vi, 4, Au.-S.

 

Henry W. Thurston, Instr. in Econ. and Civics, Hyde Park High School.
A.B., Dartmouth, ’86.

A Method of Applying Sociological Pedagogy to the Teaching of Economics in Secondary Schools. iv, 6, Jul.-Au.

 

Frederick Starr, Assoc. Prof. of Anthropology.
S.B., Lafayette, ‘82; S.M. and Ph.D., ’85;
Prof. Biological Sciences, Coe Col., ‘84-8; in charge Dept. Ethnology, Am. Mus. of Natural Hist., ‘89-’91.

Lab. Work in Anthropology. iv, 36, O.-Jun.
Physical Anthropol. Lab. iv, 36, O.-Jun.
[Physical Anthropol. iv, 12, O.-D.]
Mexico Archaeology, Ethnology. iv, 12, Jul.-S.
General Anthropol.* iv, 12, Ap.-Jun.
Ethnology American Race. iv, 12, Jul.-S.
Prehistoric Archaeology. American. iv, 12, O.-D.
[Field Work in Anthropol. Mexico. Jul.-S.]
Prehistoric Archaeol. European. iv, 12, O.-D.
General Ethnology.* v, 12, Jul.-S.
General Anthropology.* iv, 6, Jul.-Au.
Ethnology American Race. iv, 6, O.-N.
Mexico. Archaeology, Ethnology. iv, 6, Au.-S.
[Comparative Technology. iv, 36, O.-Jun.]

 

Merton Leland Miller, Lecturer in Anthropology.

A.B., Colby Univ., ’90; Ph.D., Chicago. ’97.
Instr. Eureka Acad., ’92; Grad. Stud. at Chicago, ’92-7; Asst. In Anthropol. Mus., ‘94-7;

The Peoples of Europe. iv, 6. O.-N.
Physical Anthropology. Laboratory Work. iv, 36, O.-Jun.

 

J. H. Breasted, Asst. Prof. of Egyptology and Semitic Langs.; Asst. Dir. of Haskell Museum.
A.B., Northwestern, ’88;A.M., Yale, ‘92; A.M. and Ph.D., Berlin, ’94;
non-res. Fellow, Chicago, ’92-4; Asst. in Egyptology.

Chicago-Egyptian Life and Antiquities. iv, 12, Ap.-Jun.

 

C. H. Hastings.
A.B., Bowdoin, ’91.

Bibliography of Sociology. iv, 6, Au.-S.

 

 

COLUMBIA.

63 Graduate Students, 1897-8.
[All graduate courses under 10 open to Barnard Graduate Students.]

 

Richmond Mayo-Smith, Prof. of Pol. Econ. and Social Science.
Ph.D. (hon.), Amherst.

Pol. Econ. (el).* iii, 14, F.-Jun. (With Mr. Day.)
Pract. Pol. Econ:
(a) Problems of Mod. Industry. iii, 16, O.-F.
(b) Problems of Exchange. iii, 14, F.-Jun.
(c) Problems of Distribution. iii, 14, F.-Jun
(d) Readings in Marshall’s “Prin. of Econ.” i, 30.
Statistics and Sociology. ii, 16, O.-F.
Statistics and Economics. ii, 14, F.- Jun.
Theory, Technique, and Hist. of Statis. Sci. ii, 14, F.-Jun.
Seminar. Statistics. i, 30.
Seminar. Pract. Econ. i, 30.

 

Edwin R. A. Seligman, Prof. of Pol. Econ. and Finance.
LL.B., Ph.D., Columbia, ’84.

Econ. Hist. of Europe and America. ii, 16, O.-F. (With Mr. Day.)
Sci. of Finance. ii, 30.
Fiscal and Indus. Hist. of U. S. ii, 16, O.-F.
Hist. of Economics. ii, 30.
Railroad Problems. ii, 14, F.-Jun.
[Hist. of Pol. Econ. ii, 30.]
Seminar. Pol. Econ. and Finance. i, 30.

 

John B. Clark, Prof. of Pol. Econ.
Ph.D., Amherst, ’75;
Prof. Hist. and Pol. Econ., Carleton, ’77-’82; Prof. of same, Smith, ’82-’93; Lect. Johns Hopkins, ‘92-5; Prof. Pol. Econ., Amherst, ’92-5.

Econ. Theory. Statics. ii, 16, O.-F.
Dynamics. ii, 14, F.-Jun.
Communistic and Socialistic Theories. ii, 16, O.-F.
Theories of Social Reform. ii, 14. F.-Jun.
Seminar. Pol. Econ. i, 30.

 

Franklin H. Giddings, Prof. of Sociology.
A.M., Union.

General Sociology. ii, 16, O.-F.
Progress and Democracy. ii, 14, F.-Jun.
Pauperism, Poor Laws, and Charities. ii, 16, O.-F.
Crime and Penology ii, 14, F.-Jun.
Seminar. Sociology. i, 30.

 

William Z. Ripley, Lect. on Anthropology.
B.S., Mass. Inst. of Tech , ’90; A.M., Columbia, ’92; Ph.D., Columbia, ’93;
Assoc. Prof. Pol. Econ. and Sociol., Mass. Inst. of Tech., 94-7; Lect., Hartford School of Sociology, ’95-6.

Physical Geog. Anthropol. and Ethnology. ii, 16, O.-F.

 

Livingston Farrand, Instr. in Physiolog. Psychol.
A.M., Princeton, ’91; M.D., Columbia, ’91.

General Anthropology. ii, 14, F.-Jun.
Anthropology. Primitive Culture. ii, 30.

 

Franz Boaz, Inst. in Anthropol.
Ph.D., Kiehl, ’81.

Phys. Anthropol. ii, 30.
Applica. of Statistical Methods to Biolog. Problems (adv). iii, 30.
North Am. Langs. Seminar. ii, 30.

 

George J. Bayles.
Ph.D., Columbia, ’95.

Civil Aspects of Ecclesiastical Organizations. i, 30.

 

 

CORNELL.
14 Graduate Students, 1897-8.

 

J. W. Jenks, Prof. of Pol. Econ. and Civil and Social Instit.
A.B., Michigan, ’78, and A.M., ’79; Ph.D., Halle, ’85;
Prof. Pol. Econ., Knox, and Indiana State Univ.; Prof. of Polit., Municipal, and Social Institutions, ’91-2.

Economic Legislation.* ii, 32.
Economics and Politics.*

 

Charles H. Hull, Asst. Prof. of Pol. Econ.
Ph.B.. Cornell, ’86; Ph.B., Halle, ’92;
Instr. in Pol. and Sociol. Institutions, Cornell. ’92-3.

Money, Credit, and Banking*. iii, 32.
Railroad Transportation.* iii, 9, Ap.- Jun.
Finance, Taxation, Admin.* Public Debts. ii, 32.
Recent Econ. Theory. Am., Eng., Continental.* ii, 32.
Earlier Econ. Theory (Prior to J. S. Mill).* ii, 32.
Economic and Commercial Geography. ii, 23, O.-Mar.
Seminary. ii. 32.

 

Chas. J. Bullock, Instr. in Economics.
A.B., Boston, ’89; Ph.D., Wisconsin, ’95.

Industrial Hist., Eng. and Am.* ii, 32.
Internat. Trade and Tariff Hist. U. S.* ii, 32.
Labor Question.* ii, 12, S.-D.
Hist. Trades Unions.* ii, ll, Ja.-Mar.
Socialism.* ii, 9, Ap.-Jun.

 

Walter F. Willcox, Prof. of Social Science and Statistics.
A.B., Amherst; Ph.D., Columbia;
Instr. in Philos., Cornell, ’91-2; Asst. Prof. Social Science and Pol. Econ., ’92-4.

Social Science (el).* ii, 32.
Social Statistics.* ii, 32.
[Theoretical Social Science (adv).* ii, 32.]
Practical Social Science (adv).* ii, 32.
[Anthropology.* ii, 32.]
Philos. and Pol. Econ.* ii, 32.
Seminary. ii, 32.

 

Wm. E. Baldwin, Pres. Long Island R. R.
A.B., Harvard, ’85.

Pract. Railroad Management. Lects. i-ii, Ja.-Mar.

 

Charlton T. Lewis, Counsel Mutual Life Ins. Co.

Principles of Insurance. Lects. i, 15,
—?

B. F. Fernow, Director of Col. of Forestry.
Grad. State Col. of Forestry, Münden, Prussia;
Chief of Dir. of Forestry, U. S. Dept. of Agric, ’86-’92, LL.D., Wisconsin.

Forestry: Econ and Pol. Aspects. ii, 21, Ja.-Jun.

 

 

HARVARD.
21 Graduate Students, 1897-8.
(Courses marked [R] are open to Radcliffe Graduate Students.)

Fel. in Pol. Econ., $450; in Soc. Sci., $500; in Archaeol. and Ethnol., $500 and $1,050, and Schol. of $200. Prize of $150 for Essay in Pol. Sci., two of $100 each for essays on social questions. Peabody Mus., Am. Archaeol., and Ethnol., with Lib., is intended for research.

 

Charles F. Dunbar, Prof. of Pol. Econ.
A.B., Harv., ’51; LL.D., same, ’91.

Financial Legislation of U. S.* ii, 15, F.-Jun.
[Financial Admin. and Pub. Debts. iii, 15, F.-Jun.]
Money and Banking. v, 15, O.-Ja.
Seminary. Economics. i, 30. (With Prof. Taussig and Asst. Prof. Cummings.)

 

Frank W. Taussig, Prof. of Pol. Econ.
A.B., Harv., ’79; Ph.D., ’83, and LL.B., ’86.

Econ. Theory in the 19th Cent.* iii, 30. (With Prof. MacVane.)
[Theory and Methods of Taxation. Special ref. to U. S. Local Taxation.* ii-iii, 15, O.-Ja.]
Scope and Method of Economic Theory and Investigation.* ii-iii, 30.

 

William J. Ashley, Prof. of Econ. Hist.
A.B., Oxford, ’81, and A.M., ’85; Fel., Lincoln Col., and Lect. on Hist., Lincoln and Corpus Christi Col., Oxford, ’85-8; Prof. Pol. Econ. and Const. Hist., Toronto, ’88-, ‘92.

[Mediaeval Economic Hist. of Europe.* ii-iii, 30.]
[Hist. and Lit. of Economics to close of 18th Cent.* ii-iii, 30.]

 

Edward Cummings, Asst. Prof. of Sociology.
A.B., Harv., ’83; A.M., same, ’85.

Princ. of Sociology. Devel. of Modern State.* ii-iii, 30.
Socialism and Communism.* ii-iii, 30.
Labor Question in Europe and U. S.* iii, 30. (With Dr. John Cummings.)

 

John Cummings, Instr. in Pol. Econ.
A.B., Harv., 91; Ph.D., Chicago, ’94.

Theory and Methods of Statistics*. iii, 30.

 

H. R. Meyer, Instr. in Pol. Econ.
A.B., Harv. ’92; A.M., ’94.

Public Works, Railways, etc., under Corporate and Pub. Management.* iii, 15, F.-Jun.

 

G. S. Callender, Instr. in Pol. Econ.
A.B., Oberlin Col., ’91; A.B., Harv., ’93; A.M., ’94; Ph.D., ’97.

Economic Hist. of the U. S.*
Industrial Revolution of the 18th and 19th Cents.* ii-iii, 15, F.-Jun.
Western Civilization in its Economic Aspects.* ii-iii, 15, F.-Jun.

 

Francis G. Peabody, Prof. of Christian Morals.
A.B., Harv., ’69; A.M. and S.T.B., ’72; S.T.D., Yale, ‘87.

[Ethics of Social Questions.* iii, 30. (With Dr. Rand.)]
[Sociolog. Sem. Christian Doct. of the Social Order. ii, 30.]

 

Frederick W. Putnam, Prof, of Archaeology and Ethnology, and Curator of Peabody Museum.
A.M. (hon,), Williams, ’68; S.D.(hon.), Univ. of Pa., ’94;
Curator Dept. Anthropol., Am. Mus., Central Park, N. Y.

Primitive Religion. iii, 30. (With Mr. Dixon.)

[R] Am. Archaeol. and Ethnol. Research.

 

F. Russell, Asst. in Anthropology.
S.B., Univ., of Iowa, ’92, and S.M., ’95; Asst., same, ’94-5.

Gen. Anthropology, Archaeology, Ethnology.* iii, 30. (With an Asst.)
[R] Somatology. iii, 15, F.-Jun.
[R] Somatology (adv). Research—?

 

 

JOHNS HOPKINS.
9 Graduate Students, 1897-8.

 

Sidney Sherwood, Assoc. Prof. of Pol. Econ.
Ph.D., Johns Hopkins, ’91.

Legal Aspects of Economics. ii, 15, O.-F.
Corporations and Economics. ii, 15, F.-My.
Econ. Conference. ii, 30.
Economic Theory. ii. 30.
Economics (adv).* ii, 15, O.-F.

 

Jacob H. Hollander, Assoc. in Economics.
Ph.D., Johns Hopkins, ’94.

Development of Economic Theories. ii, 15, O.-F.
Financial Hist. of U. S. ii, 15, F.-My.
Economics (adv)*. ii, 15, F.-My.
Current Congressional Happenings.* i, 30.

 

 

LELAND STANFORD, JR.
2 Graduate Students, 1897-8.

Hopkins Railway Library, about 10,000 vols.; Transportation, Railway History, Economics, and Law.

 

Amos G. Warner, Prof, of Applied Economics.
B.L., Nebraska, ’85; Ph.D., Johns Hopkins, ’88;
Prof,of Pol. Econ., Nebraska, ’87-’91.

[Corporate Industry.* iii, 15, S.-D.]
[Personal Economics.* ii, 15, S.-D.]
Seminary. (With Ross and Durand.) ii, 32.

 

Edward A. Ross, Prof. of Sociology.
A.B., Coe Col., ’86; Ph.D., Johns Hopkins, ’91;
Prof. of Econ. and Social Science, Indiana, ’91-2; Assoc. Prof. of Pol. Econ, and Finance, Cornell, ’92-3.

[Economic Theory (adv). ii, 15, S.- D.]
[Sociology.* iii, 32.]

 

Mary R. Smith, Asst. Prof. of Social Sci.
Ph.B., Cornell, ’80, and M.S., ’82; Ph.D., Stanford, ‘96;
Instr. in Hist. and Econ., Wellesley, ’86- ’90.

[Statistics and Sociology.* iii, 17, Ja.-My.]

 

Edward D. Durand, Asst. Prof. of Finance and Administration.
A.B., Oberlin, ’93; Ph.D., Cornell, ’96;
Legislative Librarian, N. Y. State Library, ’96-7; Student, Berlin, ’97.

Practical Economic Questions.* iii, 17, Ja.-My.

 

 

MICHIGAN.
10 Graduate Students, 1897-8.

 

Henry C. Adams, Prof, of Pol. Econ. and Finance.
A.B., Iowa Col., ’74; Ph.D., Johns Hopkins, ’78;
Lect., Johns Hopkins, and Cornell; Statistician to Interstate Commerce Commission: Special Expert Agent on Transportation, 11th Cens.; Director of Economics, School of Applied Ethics.

[Devel. and Significance of Eng. Pol. Econ. iii, 6, O.-N.]
Devel. and Significance of Hist. School of Econ. iii, 6, O.-N.
[Devel. and Significance of Austrian School of Econ. iii, 6, O.-N.]
Relations of the State to Industrial Action. iii, 6, F.-Mar.
[Labor Organizations and Corporations as Factors in Industrial Organization. iii, 6, F.-Mar.]
History of Industrial Society.* ii, 17, O.-F.
Transportation Problems. iii, 17, F.- Jun.
Sem. Economics. ii, 17, O.-F.

 

F. M. Taylor, Junior Prof. of Pol. Econ. and Finance.
A.B., Northwestern, ’76, and A.M., ‘79; Ph.D., Mich., ’88;
Prof. of Hist. and Politics, Albion, ’79-’92.

Hist. and Theory of Money and Banking.* ii, 17. O.-F.
Hist. of Pol. Econ. ii, 17, F.-Jun.
Principles of Finance.* ii, 17, F.-Jun.
Sem. Economics. ii, 17, F.-Jun.
Socialism.* ii, 17; F.-Jun.
[The Value of Money, Theory, and Statistics. iii, 6, O.-N.]
[The Standard of Value. iii, 6, N.-D.]
Paper Money. iii, 6, O.-N.
[Social Philos., with spec. ref. to Econ. Probs. iii, 6, F.-Mar.]
[Credit as a factor in Production. iii, 6, Mar.-Ap.]
The Agricult. Problem. iii, 6, Mar.-Ap.

 

C. H. Cooley, Instr. in Sociology.
A.B., Mich., ’87; Ph.D., same, ’94.

Principles of Sociology.* iii, 17, O.-F. Problems, F.-Jun.
Sociology (adv).* ii, 17, F.-Jun.
Histor. Devel. of Sociolog. Thought. iii, 6, Ja.-F.
Nature and Process of Social Change. iii, 6, My.-Jun.
[Aims and Methods in Study of Society. iii, 6, Ja.-F.]
Social Psychology. iii, 6, My.-Jun.
[Current Changes in Social Organization of U. S. iii, 6, My.-Jun.]
[Theory of Population. iii, 6, Ja.-F.]
Theory of Statistics.* i, 34.
Special Studies in Statistics.* ii, 17, F.-Jun.

 

 

MINNESOTA.
26 Graduate Students, 1897-8.

 

William W. Folwell, Prof. of Pol. Science.
A.B.,Hobart, ’57; A.M., ’60; LL.D., ’80;
Prof. Math., Hobart, ’59-’61; Prof. Math. and Engineering, Kenyon Col., ‘69; Pres., Univ. of Minn., ’69-’84.

Pol. Sci. Sem. i, 36.
Individual Research. ii, 36.

 

Frank L. McVey, Instr. in Economics.
A.B., Ohio Wesleyan, ‘93; Ph.D., Yale, ‘95;
Instr. in Hist. Teachers’ College, N. Y., ’96.

Comparative Econ. Doctrine. ii, 36.
Economics.* iv, 13, S.-N.
Modern Industrialism.* iv, 12, Mar.-Jun.

 

Samuel G. Smith, Lecturer on Sociology.
A.B., Cornell Col., ’72; A.M.. and Ph.D., Syracuse, ’84; D.D., Upper Iowa Univ., ’86.

Social Sci.* iii, 12, Mar.-Jun.
Indiv. Research. i, 36.

 

 

MISSOURI.
3 Graduate Students, 1897-8.

 

F. C. Hicks, Prof, of Hist. and of Pol. Econ.
A.B., Univ. of Mich., ’86; Ph.D., same, ’90.

Economic History.* iii, 36.
Problems in Economics.* iii, 36.
Modern Financial Systems.* ii, 36.
Seminar. ii, 36

 

 

NEW YORK.
21 Graduate Students, 1897-8.

 

Frank M. Colby, Prof. of Economics.
A.B., Columbia, ’88, and A.M., ’89.

Practical Economics. ii, 24.
Economic Theory. ii, 24.
Hist. of Indust. Devel. ii, 30.

 

I. F. Russell, Prof. of Sociology, and of Law in N. Y. U. Law School.

A.M., N. Y. U., ‘78; LL.M., Yale, ‘79; D.C.L., Yale, ‘80; LL.D., Dickinson, ‘93;
Prof. Econ., and Const. Law, N. Y. U., ’80-’93.

[Intro. to Sociology. ii, 30.]
Principles of Sociology. ii, 30.

 

 

NORTHWESTERN.
6 Graduate Students, 1897-8.

 

John H. Gray, Prof. of Political and Social Science.
A.B., Harv., ‘87; Ph.D., Halle, ‘92;
Instr. in Econ., Harv., ’87-9.

Administration. ii, 36.
[Finance.* ii, 36.]
Seminary.* ii, 36.

 

William Caldwell, Prof. of Moral and Social Philosophy.
A.M., Pass Degree, Edinburgh, ’84; A.M., and Honors of First Class, same, ’86;
Asst. Prof. of Philos., same, ’88-’90; Instr., Cornell, ’90-1; Instr., Chicago, ’92-4; Fellow, Edinburgh, ’86-’93, and Sc.D., ’93.

Seminary. Ethical Philos.* ii, 36.
Seminary. Sociology.* iii, 36.

 

 

PENNSYLVANIA.
12 Graduate Students, 1897-8.

Colwell Lib. of Pol. Econ., 7,000 vols. Carey Lib., valuable for economic history, including 3,000 Eng. pams. 1 Fel. $500 + tui; 1 Schol. in Hist. and Economics, $100 + tui.

 

Simon N. Patten, Prof. of Pol. Econ.
Ph.D., Halle.

Hist. of Pol. Econ. ii, 15, O.-F.
Recent Devel. of Pol. Econ. ii, 15, F.-My.
Relat. of Eng. Philos. to Econ. in 18th Cent. ii, 15, O.-F.
[Scope and Method of Pol. Econ. ii, 15, F.-My.]
[Pract. Applications of Econ. Theory. ii, 12, O.-F.]
Problems of Sociol. ii, 15, F.-My.
Special Topics. ii, 30.

 

Henry R. Seager, Asst. Prof. of Pol. Econ.
Ph.B., Mich., ‘90; Ph.D.. Univ. of Pa., ’94;
Instr. in Pol. Econ., same, ’94-6.

Econ. Conference. ii, 30.
Adv. Reading in Ger. and Fr. Economics. ii, 30.
Eng. Indust. Hist. and Devel. of Econ. Theory, 1750-1870. ii, 15, F.-My.

 

Emory R. Johnson, Asst. Prof. of Transportation and Commerce.
B.L., Univ. of Wis., ‘88; M.L., same, ’91; Fel. in Econ., Univ. of Pa., ’92-3; Ph.D., same, ‘93;
Lect. on Transporta., same, ’93-4; Instr., same, ’94-6; Instr. in Econ., Haverford, ’93-6.

Theory of Transportation. i, 30.
[Am. Railway Transportation. ii, 30. ]
Transportation Systems of the United Kingdom and Germany. i, 30.
Hist. of Commerce since 1500. 1, 30.

 

Roland P. Falkner, Assoc. Prof. of Statistics.
Ph.B., Univ. of Pa.. ’85; Ph.D., Halle, ‘88;
Instr. in Statistics, ’88-’91.

Intro. to Statistics. ii, 15, O.-F.
Statistics of Econ. Problems. ii, 15, F.-My.
Hist. and Theory of Statistics. ii, 15, O.-F.
Statistical Organization. ii, 15, F.-My.

 

Samuel McC. Lindsay, Asst. Prof. of Sociol.
Ph.B., Univ. of Pa., ’89; Ph.D., Halle, ’92.

Theory of Sociol. (2 yr. course). ii, 30.
Social-Debtor Classes. ii, 30.
Sociol. Field Work. ii, 30.
Seminary. ii, 30.

 

 

PRINCETON.
5 Graduate Students, 1887-8.
1 Fellowship, $500.

 

Winthrop M. Daniels, Prof. of Pol. Econ.
A.B., Princeton, ’88, and A.M., ’90;
Instr. Wesleyan, ’91-2.

Public Finance.* ii, 18, S.-Ja.
Hist. of Pol. Econ.* ii, 18, F.-My.

 

W. A. Wyckoff, Lect. on Sociology.
A.B., Princeton, ’88, and A.M., ’91.

Sociology.* ii, 18, F.-My.

 

 

RADCLIFFE.
4 Graduate Students, 1897-8.
[See Harvard Courses marked “[R]”.]

Seminary in Econ. (With Prof. Taussig and Asst. Prof. Cummings.)

 

W. J. Ashley.

[Med. Econ. Hist. of Europe.* iii,30.]

 

Dr. Cunningham, Trinity Col., Cam. Eng.

Industrial Revolution in Eng. in 18th and 19th Cents.* iii, 15, F.-Jun.

 

G. S. Callender.

Econ. Hist. of U. S.*

 

Edward Cummings.

Princ. of Sociol.* iii, 30.

 

Edward Cummings and John Cummings.

Soc. and Econ. Conditions of Workingmen.* iii, 30.

 

John Cummings.

Statistics, Theory, Methods, Practice.*

(Of last three courses, two only will be given in 1898-9.)

 

F. Russell.

Gen. Anthropol.* —?

 

 

VANDERBILT.
2 Graduate Students, 1897-8.

 

Frederick W. Moore, Adj. Prof. of Hist. and Econ.
A.B., Yale, ’86, and Ph.D., ’90

 

Chas. F. Emerick, Asst. in Economics.
A.B., Wittenberg, ’89; Ph.M., Mich., ’95; Ph.D., Columbia, ’97.

Theory of Pol. Econ. Growth of Corporate Industry. iii, 32.
A Study of Socialism.* iii, 16.

 

 

WELLESLEY.
o Graduate Students, 1897-8.

 

Katharine Coman, Prof. of Hist. and Pol. Econ.
Ph.B., Mich., ’80.

Indust. Hist. of U. S.* iii, 17, F.-Jun.
[Indust. Hist. of Eng.* iii, 17, S.-Ja.]
Statistical Study of Problems in the U.S. iii, 17, S.-Ja.

 

Emily Greene Balch, Instr. in Economics.
A.B., Bryn Mawr.

Socialism.* iii, 17, F.-Jun.
Evolution and Present Conditions of Wage Labor.* iii, 17, S.-Ja.
Social Economics.* iii, 17, S.-Ja.; also F.-Jun.

 

 

WESTERN RESERVE.
4 Graduate Students, 1897-8.

S. F. Weston, Assoc. Prof. of Pol. and Soc. Sci.
A.B., Antioch, ’79, and A.M., ’85; Asst. in Economics, Columbia, ’92-4.

Social Theories.* iii, 17, F.-Jun.
Pauperism and Charities.* iii, 17, F.-Jun.
Money and Banking.* iii, 17, F.-Jun.
U.S. Tariff and Revenue System. iii, 17, F.-Jun.
Economic History of England.* iii, 16, S.-Ja.
Economic History of United States.* iii, 16, S.-Ja.
The State.* iii, 16, S.-Ja.
Civil Government.* iii, 16, S.-Ja.
Social Problems.* iii, 17, F.-Jun.
Economic Theories. iii, 36.

 

 

WISCONSIN.
24 Graduate Students, 1897-8.

Location at State capital gives special facilities for studying the State’s activities and methods of administration. Field work in charitable and correctional institutions in Madison and Chicago. Opportunity for continuous practical work during summer months.

 

Richard T. Ely, Prof. of Pol. Econ. and Director of the Sch. of Econ., Pol. Science and Hist.
A.B., Columbia, ’76; Ph.D., Heidelberg, ‘79; LL.D., Hobart, ’92;
Chair of Pol. Econ., Johns Hopkins, ’81-’92.

Distribution of Wealth. iii, 72, S.-Jun. (This course is to run through ’98- ’99, and ’99-1900.)
Public Finance. iii, 18, S.-F.
Taxation and Am. Public Finance. iii, 18, F.-Jun.
[Social Ethics. ii, 18, S.-F.]
[Socialism. ii, 18, S.-F.
Economic Seminary. Recent Devel. of Econ. Theory. ii, 36. (With Prof. Scott and Dr. Jones.)

 

William A. Scott, Prof. of Econ. Hist. and Theory.
A.B., Rochester, ‘86; Ph.D., Johns Hopkins, ’92.
Prof. Hist. and Pol. Econ., Univ. So. Dak., ’87-’90; Instr. in Hist., Johns Hopkins, ’91-2;

[Theories of Value. ii, 18, S.-F.]
Theories of Rent, Wages, Profits, and Interest. ii, 36, S.-F.
[Theories of Production and Consumption. ii, 18, F.-Jun.]
Classical Economists. iii, 18, F.-Jun.

 

Edward D. Jones, Instr. in Econ. and Statistics.
B.S., Ohio Wesleyan Univ., ’92; Halle and Berlin, ’93-4; Ph.D., Univ. of Wisconsin, ’95.

Economic Geography. ii, 18, S.-F.
Statistics. iii, 18, F.-Jun.
Charity and Crime. iii, 18, S.-F.

 

Balthasar H. Meyer, Instr. in Sociol. and Transportation.
B.L., Univ. of Wis., ’94; Berlin, ’94-5; Fel. Univ. of Wis., ’95-7; Ph.D., Univ. of Wis., ’97.

Elements of Sociology.* iii, 18, S.-F.
Psychological Sociologists.* ii, 18, S.-F.
Modern Sociological Thought. iii, 18, F.-Jun.
Transportation. ii, 18, F.-Jun.

 

Frank C. Sharp, Asst. Prof. of Philos.
A.B., Amherst, ’87; Ph.D., Berlin, ’92.

Social Ethics. ii, 18, F.-Jun.
Readings in Ger. Social Philos. ii, 18, S.-F.

 

 

YALE.
43 Graduate Students, 1897-8.

Pol. Science Club meets fortnightly. Club Room with Library for Graduate Students.

 

W. G. Sumner, Prof. of Pol. and Soc. Sci.
A.B., Yale, ’63; LL.D., Tenn., ’84.

Anthropology. ii, 32.
Systematic Societology. ii, 32.
[Indust. Rev. Renaissance Period. ii,32.]
[Begin. of Indust. Organization. ii,32.]
Science of Society.* (German.) ii, 32.

 

H. W. Farnam, Prof. of Pol. Econ.
A.B., Yale, ’74; R.P.D., Strassburg, ’78.

[Pauperism. ii, O.-D.]
Modern Organiza. of Labor. ii, 20, Ja.-Jun.]
Princs. Pub. Finance. ii, 32.

 

A. T. Hadley, Prof. of Pol. Econ.
A.B., Yale, 76, and A.M., ’87.

Econ. Problems of Corporations. i, 32.
Relat. between Econ. and Ethics. ii, 32.
Railroad Transportation.* ii, 32.

 

A. T. Hadley and Irving Fisher.

Economics (gen. course).* iii, 32.

 

W. F. Blackman, Prof. of Christian Ethics.
A.B., Oberlin, ’77; D.B., Yale, ’80; Ph.D., Cornell, ’93.

Social Science. ii, 32.
Lit. of Social. ii, 12, O.-D.
Soc. Study of Family. i, 12, O.-D.
Soc. Teach. and Influence of Christianity. i, 32.

 

J. C. Schwab, Asst. Prof. of Pol. Science.
A.B., Yale, ’86, and A.M., ’88; Ph. D., Göttingen, ’89.

Finance. ii, 32.
U.S. Indust. Hist. ii, 32.
U.S. Financial Hist. i, 32.
Finances of Confed. States, 1861-65. i, 32.

 

Irving Fisher, Asst. Prof. of Pol. Econ.
A.B. Yale, ’88, and Ph.D., ’91.

Principles of Economics (adv). ii, 32.
Statistics. ii, 20, Ja.-Jun.
Vital Statistics and Life Insurance. ii, 12, O.-D.

____________________

Source:  Graduate Courses 1898-99: A Handbook for Graduate Students. (6th edition). (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1899), pp. 80-90.