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Columbia Economists Gender Smith Vanderbilt

Columbia. Economics Ph.D. alumnus Charles Emerick, 1897.

 

In the previous post we met Margaret Mulford Lothrop who taught social problems in the Stanford economics department through 1928. Preparing that post, I looked at the Smith College Classbook for 1905 in search of her yearbook picture. I then glanced at the portraits of the faculty to see who would have been at Smith to teach her economics. There I discovered Charles Franklin Emerick, whom I decided to pursue now for Economics in the Rear-view Mirror.

At the genealogy website ancestry.com (available at many libraries for free online use, otherwise requiring a subscription) there is a public family tree of the Emerick family that includes some interesting material about Charles Franklin Emerick’s life.

Emerick was appointed instructor in political economy at Smith College to cover the courses taught by Prof. Henry Moore who was granted a year’s leave of absence for a year. (from an unsourced newspaper report, dateline Northampton, Sept. 21, 1899 “Largest Woman’s College—Smith Opens with Over 1200 Students and a Big Entering Class—Faculty Changes.”)

In the Smith College Bulletin for 1919/20, Emerick was listed as “Professor of Economics and Sociology on the Robert A. Woods Foundation”. He served on the Smith Faculty standing committee on graduate instruction at the time of his death.

I have included below the better part of a paragraph that concludes his serial essay “The Struggle for Equality in the United States” (1913-14) and that sounds distressingly familiar. Considering that Emerick taught at a woman’s college, it would appear somewhat ironic that he exclusively uses male gender pronouns whenever referring to college students. 

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Vital Data

Birth:    17 Nov 1867 Montgomery County, Ohio, USA

Death: 22 Mar 1920 (aged 52) Northampton, Hampshire County, Massachusetts, USA

Burial: Miltonville Cemetery. Miltonville, Butler County, Ohio, USA

Source: Find A Grave.

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Obituary:

Prof. Charles Emerick—The sudden death of Prof. Charles Emerick, head of the department of sociology and economics at Smith college, occurred suddenly from heart failure at the residence in Northampton, Mass., Tuesday, according to word received here. He was the nephew of F.A.Y. Kumler of this city, and had often visited here. While Prof. Emerick was in a weakened condition from an illness of influenza, no cause of alarm had been felt. The body will be taken to Hamilton for burial by his brother. Owing to the illness of a son, Charles Jr., Mrs. Emerick cannot attend the funeral

Source: Transcribed from a scanned newspaper clipping included in the Emerick Family Tree at ancestry.com that does not cite the exact source of the obituary.

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Announcement of Emerick’s death in AER

Professor Charles Franklin Emerick, head of the department of economics and sociology at Smith College, died March 22, 1920. Professor Emerick had been a member of the Smith College faculty for twenty-one years.

Source:  “Notes.” The American Economic Review 10, no. 3 (1920): 707-18.

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Personal Note 1898, Vanderbilt University Appointment

Vanderbilt University.—Dr. Charles Franklin Emerick has been appointed Instructor in Economics in Vanderbilt University. Dr. Emerick was born November 17, I867, near Dayton, Ohio. He studied at the Cooper Academy in Dayton, and in 1885 entered Antioch College, where he remained two years. He then entered Wittenberg College and graduated in 1889 with the degree of A. B. The next year he entered Michigan Agricultural College and received the degree of M. S. in 1891. Dr. Emerick was then appointed teacher of History and Political Economy at Avalon College, Trenton, Mo., where he remained until 1894. The next two years he studied at the University of Michigan, receiving in 1895 the degree of Ph. M. He was then appointed Fellow in Economics at Columbia University and received the degree of Ph. D. from that institution in 1897. During the past year he has been Assistant in Economics at Vanderbilt University.

Dr. Emerick has written:

“An Analysis of Agricultural Discontent in the United States.” Pp. 100. Political Science Quarterly, September and December, 1897, and March, 1898. Reprinted for doctor’s dissertation at Columbia.

Source:  “Personal Notes.” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science12 (1898): 85-87.

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Other Publications

Charles Franklin Emerick, Ph.D., The Credit System and the Public Domain (Nashville,Tenn., Cumberland Presbyterian Publishing House, 1899), publication of the Vanderbilt Southern History Society.

“College women and race suicide.” Political Science Quarterly, Vol. XXIV, No. 2 (1909), pp. 269-283.

“A neglected factor in race suicide” Political Science Quarterly, Vol. XXV, No. 4 (1910), pp. 638-655.

Eight part series “The Struggle for Equality in the United States,” in Popular Science Monthly, Vols. 83/84 (Dec. 1913-July 1914).

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From the Conclusion of “The Struggle for Equality in the United States” (1914)

…I am not unmindful of the perils which attend the period upon which we have entered. Some of them have been alluded to in the course of these pages. In addition I will mention the following. First, is the prevalence of a superficial habit of reading and thinking. Few college graduates, even, are capable of sustained thought. Many voters read nothing but a party newspaper. Second, is the difficulty which many voters experience in foreseeing the distant consequences of some kinds of political action. Third, is the vice of indifference and irresponsibility to which some voters are subject. In a large population, the amount of sovereignty that resides in the individual is so small that he is tempted to wonder if it makes any difference whether he votes or not. Fourth, is the temptation to assume that the majority is invariably right, or, at any rate, that it is irresistible and that it is not worth while to try to reverse it. Fifth, the press is interested in selling news and has a certain bias in favor of war. It is therefore tempted to pander to prejudice against foreigners and to foment international ill-feeling. The manufacturers of armor plate and other military supplies are subject to the same temptation. These and other perils, however, seem to me for the most part as inevitable as the dangers which attend the young man who leaves home to go to college, or is set adrift in the world to shift for himself. Moreover, they are largely offset by the critical spirit which has taken the place of a blind obedience to authority and precedent among a large number of the population. As responsibility is the making of the man that is in the boy, so political institutions that depend upon the self-control, public spirit and wisdom of the masses tend to bring out the better side of human nature….

Image Source:  Smith College, Class Book 1920,p. 16.

 

 

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Columbia Economists Harvard NBER Stanford

Columbia. Economics Ph.D. alumnus. Moses Abramovitz, 1939

 

 

The professional career of Moses Abramovitz shows what a blend of Harvard and Columbia training in economics crowned by an NBER post-doc could get you back in the day. His contributions to the study of long-term growth and to the Stanford economics department’s rise to prominence are truly important legacies.

The first item of the post gives us Abramovitz’s personal quarter-century report to his Harvard classmates of 1932. This is followed by excerpts from Abramovitz’s memoir for his family that provide a rich account of his economics training at Harvard and then Columbia. A link to download the entire memoir is provided below. The post closes with a memorial resolution written by Abramovitz’s Stanford colleagues. But the real treat, is found in Moses Abramovitz’s description of his economics education and economists important for his development. Among other things we learn, the chairman of the Harvard economics department, Harold Burbank, was indeed anti-Semitic enough for Abramovitz not to have dignified him by name. Also we learn that in 1934 “Milton [Friedman] was much less ideological then than he later became, so he was a very pleasant and agreeable companion.”

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From the 25th reunion report of the Harvard Class of 1932

MOSES ABRAMOVITZ

Home address: 543 W. Crescent Drive, Palo Alto, Calif.
Office address: Dept. of Economics, Stanford University, Stanford, Calif.
Born: Jan. 1, 1912, Brooklyn, N.Y.
Parents: Nathan Abramovitz, Betty Goldenberg.
Prepared at: Erasmus Hall High School, Brooklyn, N.Y.
Years in College: 1928-1932.
Degrees: A.B. summa cum laude, 1932; Ph.D. (Columbia Univ.), 1939.
Married: Carrie Glasser, June 13, 1937, Brooklyn, N.Y.
Child: Joel Nathan, July 19, 1950.
Occupation: Professor of economics, Stanford University; member research staff, national Bureau of Economic Research.
Offices Held: Member editorial board, American Economic Review, 1951-54.
Member of: American Economic Association; American Statistical Association; American Economic History Association; Royal Economic Society; American Association for the Advancement of Science.
Publications: Price Theory for a Changing Economy; Inventories and Business Cycles; The Economics of Growth; “Capital Formation and Economic Growth,” editor; The Growth of Public Employment in Great Britain (with Vera Eliasberg).

I LEFT Harvard supported by a Sheldon Fellowship and exhilarated by the prospect of a year in Europe—no small piece of luck at any time and a pot of good fortune in 1932. Together with Dave Popper, I saw Paris and the Rhine country as they were before the second deluge. We saw our first Storm Trooper rallies in Heidelberg and, if we were not too innocent, we were certainly too full of good spirits to be greatly disturbed. But those charming days were suddenly cut short. From Nuremberg, I was called home by my father’s death.

Back in New York I began graduate work in economics at Columbia and continued there until 1935. In 1936, I was lucky enough to be brought back to Harvard as an instructor for two years and had the fun and satisfaction of being again in Cambridge as a teacher while my memories of life at college were still warm. At Columbia I had met another young economist whom I had known years before. I shall stick to the essentials. The young economist was a woman. We were married in 1937, so Carrie has had a year at Harvard, too.

In 1938, we were back in New York again, this time to work at the National Bureau of Economic Research. In the years that followed I learned what I know about scientific investigation from Wesley Mitchell and Arthur F. Burns. Together they were in the midst of their wide-ranging investigation of business cycles. They set me to work studying inventory fluctuations. In the fullness of time I got some results and published a book, a hefty volume called Inventories and Business Cycles. It got some notice and caused some controversy, and a certain number of copies continue to serve as ballast for bookcases that might otherwise be disturbed by a fresh breeze.

Early in 1942, I went to Washington to help Bob Nathan and the W.P.B. Planning Committee, first to goad the military into laying out programs big enough to make use of a national productive capacity they could not believe existed, and then to keep them from losing the munitions they really needed under the load of programs too large for even our capacity. A year later I was at O.S.S. working for Professor Langer and Dean Mason on German economic intelligence. My particular job was probably of little use during the war itself, but it produced a collection of materials and a few more or less knowledgeable individuals, and both were needed after the German defeat. I became involved in the negotiations about German reparations and in that way came to see Moscow in the months right after V-E Day. Our work, as we all now know, foundered in the general wreck of American-Soviet relations. Together with many other stalemated delegations on many other subjects, ours eventually came to Potsdam to be witnesses at the beginning of the partition of Germany and Europe.

Since 1948 I have been a professor at Stanford. We have one child, a boy now six. We think living here near San Francisco as comfortable and delightful as it can be; so I rush back east as often as I can to disgorge the lotus and discharge my guilt.

My chief activity is still, as it has been for many years, research in economics—a stubborn, unyielding, frustrating and altogether exasperating subject from which I don’t know how to shake loose. What do I believe? One’s bent of mind is shaped by one’s work. Mine is inclined to skepticism, not beliefs, still less belief. Very likely I have much to learn. Oh yes! I believe both parties are right – in what each says about the other.

Source:  Harvard Class of 1932, Twenty-fifth Anniversary Report (1957), pp.6-8.

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Undergraduate and graduate student days: memories of Harvard and Columbia

…My fourth course [freshman year at Harvard] was different. It was elementary economics. I was lucky. I drew an excellent instructor named Bigelow. Using Frank W. Taussig’s Principles, he introduced us to the general logic of the neoclassical theories of relative prices of commodities and of the factors of production, land, labor, and capital, to the distribution of income among these primary factors, to the theory of international trade, and to the virtues of free markets. He offered us a list of supplementary readings, one of which was called simply Supply and Demand, by an English economist, H.D. Henderson. It was a thin book, but it was a notable example of the lucid presentation of the logic of the economics of value and distribution. One could see all around one examples in ordinary life of the validity and importance of the theory. The way in which the various parts of the subject hung together in an interdependent system seemed not only analytically deep; it emerged as a beautiful structure, an aesthetic as well as a logical and tested structure. More than any other experience, it was this little book that drew me to go on with economics. When I returned to Harvard in September 1929, therefore, I chose economics as my field of concentration. And, indeed, when the economy began its collapse in October of that year, it confirmed me in my choice. It was a decisive experience.

Concentrating in Economics

Having chosen to concentrate in economics, I was assigned a tutor. Here again I was lucky. He was Edward S. Mason, then a still young assistant professor. But he was destined for both academic leadership and, as my story unfolds, for a real influence on practical affairs. Even more important for me, however, was the fact that this young man was already recognizably “wise,” a man of good judgment in both scholarly decisions and practical matters. He took a liking to me, and he remembered his friends! He was due to turn up with support and help at several critical junctures in my story.

My very first meeting with Mason was an exciting moment. It was late September or early October in 1929, that fateful year. We chatted, and then, more brash than usual, I said, “Well, Professor, when is the stock market going to break?” He answered, without hesitation, “Almost immediately.” And when I returned for our second meeting, it had happened. And then, still brash, I said, “Well, Professor, you must have made a mint of money.” And then I learned something about him and perhaps most academics of the time. He said, “Are you crazy? I have never owned a share of stocks in my life.”

… Like many, but not all, of the young economists of the time, who had no deep commitment to mainstream economics, I saw clearly enough that mainstream theory offered us no guidance in understanding the Great Contraction and Depression, and it was consequently a poor basis for public policy. Something new was needed, a theory that dealt more adequately with recurrent recessions and expansions of business and particularly with the very serious depressions and eventual recoveries which in the U.S. had succeeded one another at intervals of about 15 to 20 years since the 1830s. For the moment, I did not get beyond dissatisfaction with the older wisdom, Real enlightenment came only in 1936 with the publication of J.M. Keynes’s General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money. When I had absorbed Keynes’s reasoning, I became an enthusiasticKeynesian and I remain so to this day.

There was also a quite personal effect of these developments on my own work history. They prepared me to join the National Bureau of Economic Research when the chance came in 1937 and to do empirical research on business cycles under the direction of Wesley Mitchell and Arthur Burns, the most notable people doing such work at that time.

Still an undergraduate in 1929, however, at the beginning of the economic contraction and depression, I still had three years of undergraduate work to do. Guided by Mason and later by Douglas V. Brown, I took Taussig’s famous course in price theory at both the undergraduate and graduate levels. Taussig was then the leading American price theorist of his time and by far the most influential person in the Economics Department. In these courses, conducted by Socratic methods, he clearly formed a good opinion about me. I am sure he was of help to me behind the scenes at several junctures. I also remember two enlightening courses, Sumner Slichter on Labor Economics and John Williams on Money and Banking. In Williams’s course, I read Keynes’s earlier books and began to become familiar with his way of thinking. Anyhow, I did well in all these courses and in others in economics, history, and in one really interesting course in literature. That was Irving Babbett on Rousseau and Romanticism. I was apparently a natural-born good student and exam taker. The upshot was that I was graduated summa cum laude and I was given a Sheldon Traveling Fellowship.

For me, this last was more than an honor and more than a year of support and European travel and study at a time when money was so scarce and jobs for new college graduates almost nonexistent. My tutors and professors, including the influential Taussig, had already been encouraging me to think about going on to graduate study in economics and to an eventual academic career. To my parents and my brother, such a course was strange and uncertain. Abe began to call me “meshugana Moishele.” But it was clear that in the end they would support me in any decision I made. And the fellowship, which was tangible proof of the good opinion of the Harvard faculty, confirmed me in a career choice I had already more than half made: It was a decisive event.

[late June of 1932 left for Europe but Moses Abramovitz’s father died in September 1932]

… I resigned my scholarship and in that September of 1932 walked along Nostrand Avenue to Eastern Parkway and took the subway (IRT, Broadway and 7th Avenue Line) to Broadway and 116th Street. Half a block away, one entered Columbia. I walked in and registered and began three years of graduate work in economics. This was a big departure from the program I had thought lay before me, but I cannot remember any feeling of distress or resistance. I was glad to provide some degree of solid continuity for my mother, and I felt confident about the future. Columbia would also be a good start.

 

Columbia as a School of Economics

By forgoing Vienna, Cambridge, and Harvard, I had made a bigger change than I realized when I started in Columbia. Vienna, Cambridge, and Harvard were all centers in which understanding of the domestic economy of a country and of its international economic relations was squarely based on theoretical economics. This, in turn, was a doctrine logically derived from certain basic primary assumptions: that economic agents (consumers, savers, business firms, investors generally) were well informed, foresighted, and rational, and acted to promote their own individual interests, that they faced competitive markets and, as business firms, acted under the pressures of competition; they operated subject to the constraints of income and wealth and of market prices which they could not by their own actions significantly influence. Actions in this context were perceived as leading to an equilibrium of prices, wages, profits, etc., and of consumer satisfactions in which change might be harmful to some but would be more than offset by benefit to others. Thus, there was no room or occasion for public action except such as was necessary to enforce contracts, maintain competition, prevent or punish fraud and generally keep the peace. Changes in technology and in consumer tastes would lead to a new equilibrium of prices, rewards, incomes, etc., but such changes were viewed as “exogenous,” not the result of economic action or motivation and beyond the ken of economics.

The Columbia economists, however, rejected this structure of theory or, at least, its general application. They conceded its usefulness in explaining very simple matters: why a grand piano cost more than a pair of shoes, and, in general, why there is a rough association between the prices of commodities and their costs of production. They were skeptical, however, about the theoretical assumptions that agents were foresighted, well-informed, and rational. They saw markets as characterized by various degrees of monopoly power, with business firms capable not only of profiting by constraining production and raising prices more than costs alone would justify; they also often had the power to shape consumer tastes, for example by advertising, and, most important, to invest in research and development and so to advance and sometimes to retard—technological progress. They tended to see the economy as a whole, not as tending to an equilibrium, but as generating long-term growth of productivity, income, and wealth. This tendency did not, however, emerge continuously and at a stable rate but subject to recurrent fluctuations, loosely called “cyclical,” in which advance was sometimes fast,sometimes slow, and sometimes negative.

As I absorbed all this, I saw the justice of the Columbia outlook and came to appreciate its radical departure from the economics in which I had been trained as a Harvard undergraduate. Columbia economics, as it stood in the Thirties, however, had its own serious limitations. It was well advanced in its understanding of two subjects. One was in the study of the behavior of firms that had acquired and enjoyed various kinds and degrees of monopoly power. This was the province of Arthur Robert (“Columbia”) Burns—not the Arthur Frank (“Bureau”) Burns with whom I later did research on business cycles.

The other subject was another sphere of monopoly power, that of labor unions. Why were they so much less important in the U.S.A. than in Europe? What activities were successfully unionized and which not? And why? This was the area over which Leo Wolman ruled. Wolman later played a considerable role in the Roosevelt Administration, especially in connection with the disorders in the labor market stemming from the organizing drives of the AFL/CIO. He worked as chairman of the Automobile Labor Board, where he tried to keep the peace in that important industry—an effort that won him no friends in the unions. Wolman’s teaching, however, was as far from academic as can be imagined. It came directly from his own experience with labor unions. Although a professor at Columbia, he also worked as the economic advisor of Sidney Hillman, the president of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers, the men’s clothing union. Wolman learned as much as he advised. He saw clearly that in the flexible and mobile population conditions of the American continent, the only unions that could exercise strong and stable monopoly power were those operating in industries frozen in location. The newsprint industry was an example. The book print industry was not. Where the industry could move, it could flee from a union whose wage and other demands were excessive. Such a condition faced the Amalgamated, and Wolman used his influence to restrain labor’s demands. Even so, the industry moved from New York City to upstate New York, then down South, then to Chicago and on to California. It was the barrier to movement posed by small nation-states that made European unions stronger and more stable than America’s.

These subjects then were well taught at Columbia, and I felt I learned much from A.R. Burns and Leo Wolman. The basic academic tone of the faculty, however, stemmed from Wesley Mitchell. He had been the dominating influence on the faculty since he joined it just before the First World War. According to Mitchell’s own view of himself, his outlook stemmed in part from his early Midwestern origins. He was the son of a physician who was a small town practitioner in central Illinois. The down-to-earth pragmatism of the neighboring family farmers ran strongly in his personality. It was quite natural, therefore, that he should have been drawn to the philosophical schools of William James and John Dewey when these became prominent. Experience, not the logical implications of some generalized ideal, had to be our guide to life. He told about teasing his good Baptist grandmother and her conception of a God of Love who could yet condemn unbaptized infants to the torments of Hell.

[…]

Mitchell carried out his scheme and reported his findings, together with his evidence, in a large book with the simple title, Business Cycles. The book began with a summary of earlier work relevant to the subject together with the “speculations” (one of Mitchell’s favorite characterizations of largely theoretical but inadequately verified ideas). He used these as suggestions of subjects needing investigation. There followed Mitchell’s own quantitative studies of these and other subjects: production (agricultural and other), income, sales, retail, wholesale, manufacturing, etc., commodity prices, the prices of stocks and bonds, and the profits and interest rates they paid. Mitchell’s quantitative descriptions involved tracing the fluctuations of the behavior in these activities and of their long-term trend and seasonal fluctuations so that the fluctuations connected with business cycles could be seen free of the influence of trends and seasonal factors. The book ended with a statement of Mitchell’s views of how the concatenation of the behavior of the separate activities led to expansions of business activities in general followed by similarly general contractions, which in turn produced the conditions that generated another business expansion.

Mitchell’s book made a notable impression on economists. This was partly because now, for the first time, students of economics could base their attempts to explain business cycles and to develop a theoretical model based on definite quantitative information about the typical behavior of the major business activities. But it was partly, perhaps mainly, because it gave economists at large a new vision of how economic research could be carried on. It need not mainly consist of logical deductions from a set of preannounced assumptions. It could instead take the form of observed behavior, together with empirical tests of the hypotheses so formed based on fresh observations independent of those from which the hypotheses originally proposed had been drawn. It was this vision of an empirically based economics that was the spirit of the Columbia program, and it stood in sharp contrast to the program at Harvard, where I was introduced to the subject, and, indeed, with the economics then taught in the other leading universities.

I did not give up my allegiance to Harvard easily. Two episodes illustrate my resistance. Mitchell gave a course on business cycles. I chose to take it. It was a course that, in a sense, was a duplicate of his 1913 book, refreshed by data not available in 1913. But as I listened to Mitchell’s “analysis” of one time series after another—amplitude, lead or lag relative to the “reference” peak or trough (that is, relative to the peak or trough of the general business cycle), rates of expansion or contraction in successive thirds of the fluctuations, and more—I could make nothing of it. After some weeks I dropped the course. Mitchell signed the necessary form without demur and, apparently, never held it against me—a characteristic of his liberal and tolerant attitude.

In other respects, my year was pleasant and rewarding. I found Eli Ginzberg and began a lifelong friendship, the closest and most intimate in my life. Like other graduate students, I occupied a “cubicle” on the top floor of the new Butler Library—just enough space for a table, chair, and file cabinet. A friend said: “It’s all right if I am in there alone, but if I get an idea, I have to move into the corridor.” One day, there was a knock on my door, and in walked Eli. He had just returned from a scholarship, traveling the country and interviewing business executives, union bosses, politicians, etc. On his return, he asked Mrs. Stewart, the all-knowing department secretary, what new people were interesting. She mentioned me, and there he was. He sat down and began to tell me about his travels, the first of many sessions on the same subject.

One early reward of my new friendship was to come to know his parents. They occupied an eighth-floor apartment on 114th Street, directly behind the Butler Library. Eli’s father, Louis Ginzberg, was a professor in the Jewish Theological Seminary at 120th Street. He was perhaps the most notable Jewish scholar of his time, a specialist in Talmudic history and interpretation based on a wide knowledge of ancient Middle Eastern languages and in the history of its peoples. Eli began to bring me to their Friday evening suppers. I found old Louis to be a wise and humorous man, a fine companion and host for a pleasant evening.

On one of my first visits, Eli took me into Louis’s study to show me a lampshade that one of Louis’s students had made. The parchment shade was decorated. All around the shade were drawn the spines of books, and on each spine there appeared the title of one of Louis’s books, perhaps 14 or 15 in all. And then the student had an inspiration. He added one more spine and on it drew the title of Eli’s first book, his Ph.D. dissertation, The House of Adam Smith. At the time, we wondered whether Eli could duplicate his Father’s achievement. In fact, he did so many times over, in quantity at least, if not always in depth—something to which Eli did not aspire.

[…]

Now back to my struggle between Harvard and Columbia economics. In that second year at Columbia, the internal conflict found two new exponents. On the Columbia side was Eli. He was someone of great personal interest to me, but as an economist, he was an eccentric. He was a skeptic about anything theoretical and served mainly as an exemplar of Columbia’s tolerance for talent in whatever way it showed itself. On the Harvard side, there now appeared a powerful supporter. He was Milton Friedman, who had come to Columbia on a scholarship for a year of graduate work. We soon became good friends. It emerged that we two were the only Columbia students who had had a real training in neoclassical price theory, the very bedrock of the economics of the time. The faculty, moreover, refused to sanction a course in the subject, and the students realized what they were missing. Milton and I undertook to do something to fill the gap. We organized a student-run seminar, worked out a list of topics, assigned students to prepare papers, and guided the presentation and discussion. The other students benefitted and so did we. We were having our first teaching experience. For the moment, however, it helped keep my mind running in the grooves of my Harvard training

My friendship with Milton was solidified when a Columbia classmate invited us to join him in a long holiday in his family’s fishing camp on the French River in Northern Ontario, still a wild and unsettled area. It turned out, however, that our friend was ordered to work in his family’s business concern for the summer. We were invited to use the camp ourselves, and we did. So we spent a wonderful six weeks together. We drove north in my Model A Ford roadster until we reached a tiny settlement on the French River called Bon Air. There we parked the car at a general store where we hired some cots, some cooking utensils, a gasoline cookstove, and a canoe, and where we bought some canned and packaged foods as well as eggs and Canadian back bacon. The general store owner piled all these objects in his motorboat and, with the canoe in tow, took us out to our camp 3½ miles down the river on a tiny island in the stream. We were the only inhabitants. There he literally threw our stuff on the shore and took his leave. From now on, we had to depend on our canoe to get back and renew supplies at Bon Air.

Neither of us at first knew anything about canoeing, but we had good teachers by example in the Indians from a reservation across the river. Watching them, we soon learned the J stroke and became fairly competent. We canoed to Bon Air twice weekly and soon organized our camp. We had a privy some 50 yards away. We had the usual first experience trying to cook rice, but we learned to get along. We swam twice a day, and, as we gained confidence in the canoe, took overnight canoe trips down the river. These were fun, especially because of occasional rapids which we could run going down the river but had to portage around on the way back. The one thing we did not try was fishing. In fact, we became known along the river as those strange boys who did not fish, so many men returning in the late afternoon would throw us a fish or two. We had a valuable supplement to our diet of canned goods.

The thing we did do all day long, every day, was talk—about everything, but mostly economics. Milton was much less ideological then than he later became, so he was a very pleasant and agreeable companion; that was especially important in 1934, in the depths of the Depression when Roosevelt’s New Deal was just taking shape, when it included so much that was controversial, and when the menace of Hitler was becoming clearly visible.

As things turned out, however, the most important thing for me in that academic year of 1933-34 was the advent of Carrie [whom he would marry]. But that belongs in a chapter of its own.

…When I finished my graduate course work in 1935, I was given an instructorship at Harvard, I owed it to the sponsorship of Ed Mason, my old tutor. With all this arranged, we determined to get married. I was to have a first year to get started at Harvard, and Carrie was to have a year to complete her Columbia course. We would marry in June 1937. We told our parents and friends. Everyone was pleased.

…You will recall that on completing my graduate work at Columbia, I returned to Harvard as an instructor and tutor in 1936. I spent the first year on my own; then, following our marriage, Carrie joined me there. We lived in a comfortable little apartment at 31 Concord Avenue, near the RadcliffeYard.

It turned out to be an unsatisfactory time, which brought each of us into our only serious confrontations with discrimination. For Carrie it was a brush with what would now be called “sexism.” She heard that Wellesley was looking for a young instructor. She thought correctly that her graduate work and teaching experience qualified her. She appeared for an interview, which was conducted by John Dunlop, a Harvard professor. They reviewed her background, and, he conceded, she was qualified. And then he told her, with expressions of regret, that her application could go no further. Wellesley, a women’s college, wanted only a male.

My own problem was an example of that anti-Semitism that still infected Harvard and most other universities. During my time back at Harvard, I had taught Ec A and a course in Labor Market Economics, and I had tutored a full quota of economics majors in my tutorial rooms in Dunster House. I thought it had gone pretty well.

To this I should add the tale of an amusing development. When I returned to Cambridge in September 1937 together with Carrie, I was told by the department chairman that my salary, then $2,500 a year, would be raised by $200. And then he carefully explained that that was not because, as a married man, my expenses were higher. It was because I was married that he could add Radcliffe girls to my list of tutees. Needless to say, the relation of women to men has since changed radically. Harvard and Radcliffe are now fully merged. Women and men are now equally Harvard professors and Harvard students. The days when Radcliffe girls were thought to be at special and intolerable risk if they met an unmarried tutor have long gone.

In the spring of 1938, I received another summons from the chairman [Harold Burbank]. He received me cordially, and after the usual preliminary politenesses, he explained that it was time we discussed my future at Harvard. His opening was itself a warning about what was to come. “Now, Moe, we are both men of the world.” And then he went on to say that I had done well. I had a promising future. “But you must understand; we could not promote Jakey, so you must not expect to stay on here.” I had formed no such expectation, but I understood perfectly. “Jakey” was Jacob Viner, a truly notable economist. He had done brilliant theoretical work early. He was Taussig’s favorite student. Clearly, Harvard’s president at the time was a bar. He would not accept the appointment of Jews, something widely whispered. They might be scholars, but, by Lowell’s Boston Brahmin standards, they could not be gentlemen. So all this was hardly a complete surprise. But my chairman’s quiet but open expression of anti-Semitism was a shock.

I have often wondered whether it was not really a subtle way of ending my appointment without saying that I simply had not measured up. Perhaps, but that could hardly apply to Viner, who went on to do brilliant work, and who ended his career as a colleague of Einstein at the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton. Had a Nobel Prize for Economics existed at the time, he would certainly have been a Nobel laureate.

So I left the interview knowing that I had to make plans to move. My opportunity was not long in coming. Later that same spring, I appeared again at Columbia for the defense of my dissertation, the last step on the way to the doctorate. The committee was chaired by Wesley Mitchell, the man whose course on business cycles I had dropped six year earlier. It made no difference to the examination. Apparently, I passed easily. Indeed my thesis won the Seligman Prize for the best of the year. When the committee adjourned, Mitchell asked me to stay behind. He wanted to ask me whether I would be willing to join the National Bureau to work with him on the Bureau’s business cycles project. My salary would be $3,500 year, a thousand dollars above my Harvard salary. In my circumstances it did not take me long to decide. In a couple of days he had my answer. I would be delighted. So now, after our first summer in Maine, Carrie and I moved to New York. I can guess now how the Bureau appointment had come about. My friend Milton Friedman (see Chapter Six), had just joined the Bureau with an appointment like my own, but to work on another subject. Milton was a friend and also the favorite student of Arthur F. Burns, at the time Mitchell’s chief assistant, who was already the really effective head of the business cycles work. My guess is that Milton became aware of Burns’s interest in finding an associate for business cycles to work especially on the cyclical role of inventories. My dissertation included a chapter on inventories. So he probably told Burns, and then events took their course.

 

Source:  Moses Abramovitz, Days Gone By: A Memoir for my Family (2001), pp. 32-34, 41-49, 77-79. (Link to download the memoir as .pdf)

_______________________

Stanford Faculty Memorial Resolution

MOSES ABRAMOVITZ
(1912-2000)

Moses Abramovitz, William Robertson Coe Professor of American Economic History Emeritus, died December 1, 2000, at Stanford University Hospital, just one month before reaching his eighty-ninth birthday.

Known by his family, friends, and colleagues as “Moe,” Abramovitz was one of the primary builders of Stanford’s Department of Economics. He taught at Stanford for almost thirty years, taking leave only during 1962-63 to work as economic advisor to the secretary general of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development in Paris. He served as chair from 1963 to 1965, and from 1971 to 1974, both critical junctures in the department’s history. During his tenure at Stanford and after his retirement in 1976, Moe gained international renown and admiration for his pioneering contributions to the study of long-term economic growth.

Moe was born in Brooklyn, New York, to a Romanian Jewish immigrant family. After graduating from Erasmus Hall High School, he entered Harvard in 1928. Like many of his generation, Moe’s interest in economics was stimulated by the experience of the Great Depression. So, in 1932 he continued his undergraduate studies of the subject at Columbia University, where he received his Ph.D. in 1939. At Columbia, Moe began a lifelong friendship with Milton Friedman. In later years, Moe liked to joke that he had been debating with Friedman for more than fifty years, and consistently winning — except when Milton was present. Columbia connections also led Moe to join the National Bureau of Economic Research in 1937, where he helped to launch the business cycle studies for which the Bureau became famous, working with such figures as Wesley Mitchell, Simon Kuznets and Arthur Burns.

Also at Columbia, Moe became re-acquainted with his Erasmus classmate Carrie Glasser, who was also working for her doctoral degree in economics. Moe and Carrie were married in June of 1937, and were devoted to each other until Carrie’s death in October 1999. When Moe came to Stanford in 1948, Carrie began what became a highly satisfying and successful career as a painter, sculptress and collage artist. Their only son, Joel, born in 1946, is a practicing neurosurgeon in Connecticut.

During World War II, Moe served first at the War Production Board, working with Simon Kuznets to analyze the limits of feasible production during wartime. He then moved to the Office of Strategic Services as chief of the European industry and trade section. During 1945 and 1946, he was economic advisor to the United States representative on the Allied Reparations Commission. Moe’s modest but strong character was well displayed in an episode during the postwar reparations debate. Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau had proposed a plan to deindustrialize the German economy. An OSS research team headed by Moe wrote a memorandum arguing that this plan would destroy Germany’s capacity to export, leaving it unable to pay for food and other essential imports. At a meeting with Moe and two other OSS economists, Ed Mason and Emile Despres, Morgenthau angrily asked: “Who is responsible for this?” Moe recalled: “Mason looked at Despres, and Emile looked at me. I had no one else to look at. The buck stopped with me. So, rather meekly, I said I was responsible.”

This anecdote and many others may be found in a charming memoir that Moe completed shortly before his death, “Days Gone By,” accessible on the Stanford Economics Department website.

At Stanford Moe began the studies of long-term economic growth that established his reputation among professional economists. A 1956 paper provided the first systematic estimates showing that forces raising the productivity of labor and capital were responsible for approximately half of the historical growth rate of real U.S. GDP, and close to three quarters of the growth rate of real GDP per capita. Subsequently he made seminal contributions in identifying the factors promoting and obstructing convergence in levels of productivity among advanced and developing countries of the world. For these studies and others, Moe received many academic honors. He was elected to the presidency of the American Economic Association (1979-80), the Western Economic Association (1988-89), and the Economic History Association (1992-93). From abroad came honorary doctorates from the University of Uppsala in Sweden (1985), and the University of Ancona in Italy (1992); he took special enjoyment from an invitation to become a fellow of the prestigious Academia Nazionale de Lincei in 1991 — “following Galileo with a lag,” he said, with a characteristic self-deprecatory twinkle.

Committee:

Paul A. David
Ronald McKinnon
Gavin Wright

Source: Stanford Report, July 9, 2003.

Image Source: Harvard Class of 1932, Twenty-fifth Anniversary Report (1957).

 

 

Categories
Barnard Columbia Economics Programs Gender Undergraduate

Columbia. Splitting the costs. Department of Economics v. Barnard College, 1906-9

 

The growing pains of the modern university can be seen in attempts to mould ad hoc understandings made earlier into long-term, binding, and explicit rules and regulations. We see this in E. R. A. Seligman’s untiring reminders to the Columbia University central administration and to Barnard College deans as to how to manage the legacy of having first hired John Bates Clark to fill a Barnard position while swapping Clark Barnard hours with the Department of Economics in the Faculty of Political Science hours, either by having department professors offer courses in Barnard College or by allowing Barnard women to take Columbia College or graduate courses. It was complicated, leaving plenty of room for misunderstandings. Seligman can be seen in the following memo and letters to have been one smooth intra-university operator. Still we come away (at least hearing his side of the story) that he would neither give nor take an inch. His motto apparently: Pacta sunt servanda.

____________________

MEMORANDUM AS TO PROPOSED CHANGES IN THE FINANCIAL ARRANGEMENT BETWEEN BARNARD COLEGE AND COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN RESPECT TO THE DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS. [Carbon copy, 1906]

I. HISTORICAL STATEMENT.

In 1895 a friend of Barnard College established for three years the Professorship of History and the Professorship of Economics, on the understanding that each of these departments should offer a corresponding amount of separate instruction to Barnard seniors and graduates, and that the Barnard Corporation would endeavor to maintain these Professorships after the expiration of such term. It was arranged that these professors should lecture at Columbia as well as at Barnard, and that for every course given by them at Columbia, a course should be given at Barnard by them or their departmental associates. The normal number of lectures by a professor was fixed at six; so that the Professor of Economics gave 2 hours at Barnard, the other four being supplied by his colleagues.

In 1898 Barnard College agreed to continue those professorships; and as a recognition of the action of the Barnard Trustees, the Faculty of Political Science decided to open to women holding a first degree, the graduate courses in History and Economics.

When Barnard College was incorporated into the educational system of the University, this arrangement was perpetuated. The 5th and 6th Sections of the Agreement of June 15, 1900, read in part, as follows:

“On and after January 1st, 1904, all of the instruction for women leading to the degree of B.A. shall be given separately in Barnard College……Barnard College will assume as rapidly as possible all of the instruction for women in the Senior year ****** and undertakes to maintain every professorship established thereof or an equivalent therefor shall be rendered in Barnard College; and when means allow, establish additional professorships in the University which shall be open to men and women, to the end that opportunities for higher education may be enlarged for both men and women.

The University will accept women who have taken their first degree on the same terms as men, as students of the University and as candidates for the degree of M.A. and Ph.D. under the Faculty of Philosophy, Political Science and Pure Science, in such courses as have been or may be designated by those Faculties, with the consent of those delivering the courses.

From the foregoing it is clear that so far as the Faculty of Political Science is concerned the opening of the University courses to women was in return for the establishment and maintenance of the professorships, and Barnard College thus declared itself ready to pay one-third of the salary of the professors of Economics, at that time three in number. In addition, Barnard College paid for the Junior work under the Department of Economics.

On this basis the whole system has reposed and has been continued. Changes in the personnel have been made in the mean time, and the instruction given to Juniors by the Department of Economics has been strengthened. Two professors, (or as during this year a professor and an instructor) have taken the place of what was originally an assistant. These changes, which called for an additional outlay on the part of Barnard College, were made with the consent of Barnard.

The Department of Economics and Social Science as it existed up to last spring, has kept strictly to the letter of the agreement. At an earlier period Professor Giddings had agreed to give at Barnard College a course in sociology in return for a suitable compensation. In 1900, however, he ceased to be paid an additional sum and his two hours were counted with the consent of Barnard College toward the six due from the Department, the other four being provided by Professors Seligman and Clark. In 1902 two additional hours were given at Barnard College by the new instructor, Professor Moore. Since then the Department has provided six hours of instruction at Barnard College, (two hours by Professor Clark, two by Professor Seager, and two by Professor Giddings.) It has given an additional two hours by Professor Moore to the Seniors, and it has put the Junior work in the hands of Professors Moore and Johnson (this year [word torn off from corner] Moore and Dr. Whitaker.) Every course given to the Columbia College undergraduates is duplicated at Barnard College, with the exception that it seemed unwise to the Barnard authorities to give the course on Taxation and Finance as being somewhat too remote from the interests of the Barnard undergraduates. The substance of this course is however included in that given by Professor Seager. This explains the fact that 12 hours are given at Barnard College whereas 14 hours are given at Columbia College. This arrangement was made with the consent of the Barnard authorities. In 1906 again with the consent of Barnard College, Barnard Seniors were admitted to the course of Prof. Giddings at Columbia, the Barnard course being discontinued. This arrangement has, however, not yet received the permanent sanction of the Faculty of Political Science.

Although Barnard College is not only getting all that was bargained for at the time, and although it has in addition the services of a full professor for both Senior and Junior work (Prof. Moore.), and although the proportion of the original expense of the Department of Economics paid by Barnard College was at the outset considerably over e4%,–being one-third of the salaries of the professors plus a payment for the Junior work, the proportion of the total expense of the Department of Economics and Social Science borne by Barnard College has now been reduced to 29.19%, Barnard paying at present $8350 out of a total budget of $28,600.

 

Barnard pays:

Columbia pays:

Seligman $5000
Giddings $5000
Seager $3500
Moore $1750
Clark $5000 Devine $3500 University Courses
Moore $1750 Simkhovitch $500
Whitaker $1600 Tenney $1000
$8350 $20250 Total $28600

 

In other words Barnard College receives more than it originally did and pays proportionately less.

 

II. WHAT SHOULD BE THE SHARE OF BARNARD COLLEGE.

Up to the year 199[blank] Barnard College made a money contribution to Columbia for each of the women graduate students enrolled, under the Faculties of Political Science, Philosophy, and Pure Science. In that year the money contribution was abandoned, and since then women graduate students have paid their fees directly to Columbia. It might be claimed by Barnard College that this new arrangement absolved it in future from all financial responsibility for or interest in the purely university (graduate) work. This claim is however, negatived by the provisions of the agreement of June 15, 1900 still in force, whereby Barnard College obligated itself to “maintain every professorship established at its instance” and to “establish additional professorships in the University upon foundations providing for courses which shall be open to men and women.” These contractual obligations are in no wise impaired or weakened by the modification subsequently introduced in the method of payment of fees by women students.

It might again be claimed that the financial obligations of Barnard are reduced whenever a Senior course, hitherto repeated at Barnard, is given only at Columbia, but open to Barnard Seniors. This claim, however, is likewise inadmissible if the change be made by and with the consent of Barnard College. For as long as the Barnard undergraduates receive the instruction, and as long as the Barnard authorities consent for any reason, that this instruction be given at Columbia, the financial obligation cannot be deemed to be impaired. As a matter of fact, this situation has not permanently arisen in the department of Economics and Social Science. In only one case, that of the Senior course by Professor Giddings, has a purely provisional arrangement been made for the year 1906-’07, with the understanding and the express statement on the part of the Barnard authorities that this would make no difference whatever in the financial arrangement for the year. It was on this understanding that the scheme was provisionally ratified by the Faculty of Political Science.

No opinion is here expressed by the Department of Economics as to the desirability of opening Senior courses at Columbia to Barnard students. It may be that for pedagogical reasons it is desirable in some cases to repeat courses at Barnard, or in other cases to admit Barnard Seniors to the Columbia courses. It may also be desirable to utilize the services of a professor, hitherto repeating a Senior course at Barnard for instruction in one of the lower classes at Barnard. But whatever decision may be reached by the Barnard authorities in conjunction with the Department of Economics, it is clear that this will not change the financial obligations of Barnard, as long as the Barnard undergraduates receive the same amount of instruction as before.

If it be maintained that the existing contract should be abrogated, the question arises: What share should Barnard College in equity contribute to the expenses of the Department? This question may be discussed on the basis of the number of hours given by the members of the department at Barnard College, at Columbia College, and in the University courses which are open to men and women graduates.

In any such computation it must be recognized that some part of the cost of the graduate instruction should be borne by Barnard College. For, irrespective of the existing contract, it cannot be claimed that women ever possessed a right to share in the advantages offered by an institution, originally established and endowed for the instruction of men without making some proportionate contribution to the support of that institution. The force of this argument is strengthened when it is remembered that every student costs the University more than he or she pays and that every increase in the student body entails the necessity of increasing the teaching course and of providing additional lecture rooms, educational appliances and library facilities.

It is for this reason that in any estimate of the share of the University expenses which is to be borne by Barnard College, a proportionate share of the expense of graduate instruction should be allotted to that institution.

On this assumption, the figures would be as follows:

 

Hours given

Barnard College

Columbia College

University

Clark

2

2 (109-110)

3 (205-6 & 291)

Seligman

—

3 (1 & 101-102)

3 (203-4 & 292)

Seager

2

2 (105-106)

2 (233 & 289)

Moore

3

1 (104)

2 (210 & 255)

Whitaker

3

4 (1-2)

—

Giddings

2

2 (151-152)

3 (251-2 & 279)

12

14

13

 

For undergraduate instruction

For Professors giving undergraduate instruction

Barnard pays:

Columbia pays:

Seligman

$5000

Clark

$5000

Moore

$1750

Moore

$1750

Seager

$3500

Whitaker

$1600

Giddings

$5000

$8350

$15250

=Total $23600
In addition Columbia pays for Purely University work

$5000

Grand Total

$28600

Total hours given as above by Professors giving undergraduate instruction = 41.

There is thus chargeable to:

The University 15/41 of $23600 = $8635 + $5000 = $13,635
Columbia College 14/41 of $23600 = $8,058
Barnard College should pay 12/41 of $23,600= $6907
                                                + 1/3 of $13,635= $4543[sic]
$11450

 

Barnard gets 12 hours to Columbia’s 14 and both share equally in the University work, although Barnard is here charged with only 1/3, not ½ of the purely university expenses. Yet Barnard pays $8350 instead of $11,450.

In the above computation Barnard College is charged with 1/3 of the purely university instruction because this was the proportion as arranged when the original professorship was established. On the basis, however, of the actual enrolment of women students the obligation of Barnard College would be slightly less. In the year 1906-07 there re-enrolled (not counting duplicates) in the purely university courses 60 women out of 251 students or 23.90%, i.e. roughly ¼. The contribution of Barnard College on this basis ought then to be: 12/41 of $23,600 = $6,907 + ¼ of $13,635 = $3,490 [sic, should be $3409] or a total of $10,316 in lieu of $8350, the present payment.

 

III. THE REDUCTION CONTEMPLATED BY BARNARD COLLEGE.

Although the authorities of Barnard College have not yet formulated any definite scheme it is understood that they have in contemplation a plan which calls on the one hand for a considerable reduction of the contribution, and on the other hand, the opening to Barnard Seniors of several Senior courses at Columbia College to make good the reduced facilities at Barnard College. In other words, Barnard College does not propose more opportunities with the same contribution as hitherto, nor does it demand the same opportunities with a smaller contribution; but it suggests more opportunities with a smaller contribution.

In considering the contemplated proposition of Barnard College it must finally be remembered that the Department of Economics has been built up on the assumption that the original scheme would be adhered to. All the instructors giving courses in Barnard College have been called with the advice and consent of Barnard College. Some of them have been put in part on the Barnard salary list. The contractual obligation “to maintain the professorships established at its instance” clearly attaches to the new professorships, which were established in 1902 in the department of Economics at the joint instance and expense of Barnard and Columbia. Any financial comparison between the Department of Economics and other departments on the basis of relative hours of instruction given at Barnard College is not pertinent in view of the contractual obligations hereinbefore recited. Barnard College entered at the outset into a definite contractual relation which has been perpetuated by the agreement of 1900 and which has not been impaired by the minor changes of 190[blank] hereinbefore referred to. Above all, the admission of women to university courses was arranged as a quid pro quo, and is specifically restricted in the agreement of 1900 to such courses “as have been or may be designated by these Faculties, with the consent of those delivering the courses”.

It is sincerely hoped that no action will be taken that might imperil this arrangement and that Barnard College may see its way, if not to make what it here suggested as an equitable contribution, at all events to maintain the status quo so that on the one hand Columbia may not be made to assume a still heavier burden, or that on the other hand the department of Economics may not be seriously crippled in its endeavor to provide adequate instruction at Columbia and Barnard alike.

Source:  Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Papers of Edwin Robert Anderson Seligman. Box 36, Folder “Barnard 36-37”.

____________________

Letter of Seligman to Gill [carbon copy]

New York, December 30, 1906.

Miss Laura D. Gill, Dean,
Barnard College, Columbia University
New York City.

My dear Miss Gill:

Your letter of December 13th was received shortly before the Holidays. In reply, I would say that several weeks ago, at the request of the University authorities I submitted to the Committee on Education of Columbia University a detailed memorandum giving facts and suggestions as to the financial arrangements between Barnard College and Columbia University so far as the Department of Economics is concerned. That matter has now passed out of my hands entirely.

Let me however call your attention to the fact that these suggestions contained in your letter will require action not alone by the Department of Economics, but also by the Faculty of Political Science, as well as by the Faculty of Columbia College. If the recommendation contained in my memorandum to the Trustees were carried out, I think that I could urge the Department of Economics to prevail upon the Faculties concerned to take action in accordance with your wishes; but I am quite decidedly of the opinion that until some definitive financial arrangement is entered into between Barnard College and Columbia University, so far as the Department of Economics is concerned, it will be hopeless for the Department of Economics to expect any action whatever on the part of the Faculties concerned; and without such action nothing could of course be done.

Again assuring you of my readiness to co-operate with you and to take up the matter with the Department and with the respective Faculties as soon as we can learn from the Committee on Education what the financial arrangements are for next year,

I remain
Very respectfully yours

[E.R.A. Seligman]

 

Source:  Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Central Files 1890-. Box 338, Folder 13 “Seligman, Edwin Robert Anderson 7/1904-12/1910”.

____________________

President Butler to Seligman [carbon copy]

December 28, 1908

Professor E. R. A. Seligman,
324 West 86 Street,
New York

My dear Professor Seligman:

I beg to hand you for your information an important letter which I have received today from the Acting Dean of Barnard College. Mr. Brewster points out that Barnard, under the present arrangement, is not securing its just due in the matter of economics teaching. Will you give this matter your attention and offer such suggestions as seem to you appropriate as to how the situation can be bettered?

Very truly yours,
President

 

Source:  Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Central Files 1890-. Box 338, Folder 13 “Seligman, Edwin Robert Anderson 7/1904-12/1910”.

____________________

Seligman to President Butler

Columbia University
in the City of New York
School of Political Science

January 4, 1909

President Nicholas Murray Butler,
Columbia University, City.

My dear President Butler:

In reply to your letter of December 24th, 1908, I take pleasure in stating that I had a very satisfactory talk with Acting Dean Brewster a few days ago. I am enclosing to you herewith copy of the letter which I have sent to him as to the historical development, and which explains itself.

As to the new scheme, permit me to state that in my Budget letter I assumed that there would be hereafter in the second term in the Junior course at Barnard, four sections, as is now the case in the first term. It was on that assumption that I made the recommendations as to assistants.

I quite agree with Acting Dean Brewster that if the situation is to remain as at present, namely, nine hours in the first term and five hours in the second term, the new Adjunct Professor will be entirely competent to take charge of this. That would mean an average of seven hours per week, and as he is to do three hours’ work at Columbia that would mean a total of ten hours per week, which is not excessive. This would, however, reduce the Budget at Barnard from $2,700 to $2,500.

On the other hand, if, as there now seems to be some possibility, the Committee on Instruction of Barnard College decides to make the second term work nine hours (with four sections) the Acting Dean of Barnard agrees with me that the work will be a little too much for one man, and that he ought to have the aid of at all events the part time of an assistant.

Upon the decision to be reached, however, depends therefore the final recommendation of the Department for the assistants in the University as a whole. If no assistance is required at Barnard College the Department of Economics will be able to get on, although with some difficulty, with one high-class tutor, for his work will be to take charge not only of three of the four sections at Columbia, but also of the three new sections in the School of Mines, and this would mean the assumption by Columbia of his salary of $1,000. On the other hand, if the additional work is taken up at Barnard, it will be imperative to have a second man as assistant, at a salary of $500., as the amount of work to be done will be entirely too much for one tutor. We should then arrive at the final conclusion reached in my original Budget letter, which is the employment of two men, at a joint salary of $1,500., in addition to the new Adjunct Professor. What part of this salary of $1,500 is to be paid by Barnard, is, of course a matter on which I am not asked to express an opinion.

Permit me to say in conclusion that I am deeply sensible of the cordial way in which the Acting Dean of Barnard has accepted the propositions of the Department for the improvement of the work. Under the scheme as outlined not only will the work be, I think, entirely satisfactory to the authorities of Barnard College, but it will also be a considerable improvement at Columbia. The Department of Economics will be very glad indeed to adjust itself to whichever of the two alternative schemes may be adopted by Barnard: the one being the maintenance of the present situation calling for an appropriation for assistants of $1,000., to be paid entirely by Columbia, the other—involving additional work at Barnard—calling for an appropriation of $1,500 for assistants, to be defrayed in part by Barnard College.

Respectfully submitted,
[signed]
Edwin R. A. Seligman

Source:  Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Central Files 1890-. Box 338, Folder 13 “Seligman, Edwin Robert Anderson 7/1904-12/1910”.

____________________

Seligman to Brewster [carbon copy]

January 4, 1909

Professor William T. Brewster,
Acting Dean, Barnard College, City.

My dear Sir:

I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of a letter of December 24, 1908, from President Butler, enclosing your letter of December 23, 1908, in which you refer to the courses offered by the Department of Economics at Barnard College.

As the existing situation is the result of steps taken by the administrative authorities of Barnard College and Columbia University, and as these agreements and instructions were never embodied in formal written documents, I venture to send you a written statement of the history of the case, in the hope that this letter may be put on file with the original agreement, in order that the question as to the interpretation of the original agreement may be settled, if it should again arise in the future.

The original agreement made with Professor Clark and the Faculty of Political Science, when he was called to the University in 1895, was to the effect that for every hour given by him at Columbia a member of the existing Columbia staff should give an hour at Barnard College. Under this agreement it was arranged that Professor Clark should give two hours at Barnard and four hours at Columbia. Of the four exchange hours due to Barnard, two were given by Professor Giddings and two by Professor Seligman. Several years later, when Professor Seager was called to Columbia, he took the courses previously given by Professor Seligman.

In the year 1905 when the Chair of the History of Civilization was founded at Columbia University, an arrangement was effected between the Dean of Barnard and the President of Columbia University, whereby the two hour course of Professor Giddings, given at Barnard, was transferred to Columbia, the Columbia course being now, however, open to Barnard students. This was recognized as a substantial equivalence, and since that time the Barnard students have been coming to Professor Giddings’ course at Columbia.

When Professor Henry L. Moore was called to the University in 1902 an arrangement was made whereby a portion of his work was to be done at Barnard in return for the payment of aa portion of his salary b Barnard College. Under this arrangement Professor Moore offered a two hour course to the Seniors at Barnard College, and took general supervision of the Junior work in Economics, which was, however, actually carried on by assistants. Several years later, as the Junior work at Barnard was not entirely satisfactory, the Dean of Barnard College suggested that Professor Moore give up his Senior course and in exchange take an active part in the lecturing and teaching of the Juniors at Barnard. This suggestion was adopted, and as the number of sections gradually increased at Barnard the work was finally divided between Professor Moore and two assistants, the class being divided into four sections in the first term and into two sections in the second term. As a compensation for the Senior course which was now dropped by Professor Moore, the Dean of Barnard College suggested that courses 107-108, given by Professor Seligman at Columbia University be open to Barnard students. This suggestion was adopted by the Department, and ratified by the Columbia Faculty, and has continued ever since.

What I desire especially to emphasize is the fact that in no case did the initiative for any of these changes come from the Department of Economics, but that in every case the initiative came either from the Dean of Barnard College or from the President of Columbia University in conjunction with the Dean of Barnard College. The Department of Economics has been at all times willing and anxious to live up to the terms of the original and supplemental agreements, and has in every case been glad to adopt the suggestions of the authorities of Barnard College. It so happens that during the present year Professor Seager is on his Sabbatical leave of absence, and that Courses 107-108 were not given at Columbia; but this is an exceptional situation, including the $5,000 salary of Professor Clark, with the corresponding work given in exchange at Barnard, the number of hours of instruction given at Barnard are economics A, 9 hours, Economics 4, 5 hours, or an annual average of seven hours per week. The salary list has been $2,700.,–$1,700 for Professor Moore and $1,000 for two assistants. This is an average of less than $400 per hour, and if we include Courses 107-108 at Columbia, which were open to the Barnard students when the supplemental agreement was made, it would reduce the cost per year to considerably less than $400, which I understand is the average in other Departments.

The new scheme of courses which has been elaborated by the Dean of Barnard College to take effect next year, meets with the entire approval of the Department of Economics, and is outlined in another letter a copy of which I have the honor of submitting herewith. I venture to hope, however, that this statement of the historical development of the situation may be put on file, in order to show that the Department of Economics has at all times endeavored to abide loyally by the spirit of the agreement between Barnard College and Columbia University.

Respectfully submitted,
[stamped signature: Edwin R. A. Seligman]

 

Source:  Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Central Files 1890-. Box 338, Folder 13 “Seligman, Edwin Robert Anderson 7/1904-12/1910”.

Image Source:  Barnard College, Columbia University. Boston Public Library, The Tichnor Brothers Collection.

 

 

 

Categories
Columbia Faculty Regulations Regulations

Columbia. Report of Woodbridge Committee on Graduate Education Reform, 1936-37

 

 

The economic historian Vladimir G. Simkhovitch appears to have been one of several voices encouraging a major rethink of the organization and administration of graduate education at Columbia in the mid-1930s. President Butler thought that after a half-century of graduate education in the United States, it would be reasonable to consider the kind of reforms needed to adapt to the changing circumstances without compromising the purpose of training Ph.D.’s, namely to produce research as well as train young scholars in the methods of research.

Butler tasked the philosopher Frederick J. E. Woodbridge (1867-1940) to head up the faculty committee that included Simkhovitch. 

While this post does not deal with the content of graduate education in economics, it is useful to see the larger institutional debates that undoubtedly at least in part reflected the experience of economics departments at that time.

Woodbridge’s major point is that the composition of the graduate student body had changed, becoming far more heterogeneous and concerned with the Paper Chase (Ph.D. degree increasingly seen primarily as a job market signal, especially for extra-academic employment). But there is much more in the report and much of it will be familiar to 21st century educators.

______________

November 18, 1936

CONFIDENTIAL

Professor F. J. E. Woodbridge
39 Claremont Avenue
New York City

Dear Professor Woodbridge:

I enclose a letter written me by Professor Simkhovitch under date of November 10 [not in file] which I would like you to read and return to me at your convenience.

Having this in mind and various other suggestions and criticisms which have come to me during the last year or two, I am proposing at the next meeting of the University Council to appoint a committee of nine to study this whole question as it now exists and to see what improvements if any can or should be effected in our rules governing the awarding of the Ph.D. degree and their administration. I am going to put upon the committee a number of men who are not administrative officers but who will look at the matter from the standpoint of university teachers and research workers. I want you to serve as chairman of that committee in order that it may have the dignity and the invaluable guidance which it will so greatly need.

My suggestion is that the committee should meet at least once or twice at your apartment so that you could clear the ground from the viewpoint of your own experience and reflections, and then that the vice-chairman, who will be Professor Westermann, should guide the work of the committee with such supervision and attention as you would feel able to give. Whenever there would be a meeting which you wish to attend, it should be held in your apartment.

You will be able to render a new and very great service to us all by inspiring and guiding the work of this group. In substance, our rules governing the Ph.D. degree have not changed for a generation and perhaps conditions have become such that they should be altered. Whether that be true or not, it will be a very helpful thing to have the whole ground gone over from the viewpoint of 1936-1937.

Sincerely yours,
[signature stamp]
Nicholas Murray Butler

______________

 

FREDERICK J. E. WOODBRIDGE
525 West 116th Street
New York City

Nov. 22/36

My dear President Butler:

I was sorry to miss you this afternoon when you called. Professor Egbert had taken me to his apartment for Sunday dinner and I did not return until nearly four. I am particularly sorry because I should have liked to talk with you about the interesting proposal you have made to me in your letter of November 18.

I shall be glad to serve as chairman of the proposed committee and to serve actively. Dr. Norton S. Brown has convinced me that I should be prudent in the matter of my health, not in order to avoid sudden death, but in order to avoid a lingering and progressive illness. I have, however, considerable liberty so long as I spend most of my time in a horizontal position. So I see no reason at present why I should not expect to attend regularly the meetings of the committee either at my apartment or at my office and still keep perpendicularity within limits. It is worth trying.

The problem of instruction and degrees under the Graduate Faculties is now, as I see it, defined by the students who come to us and not by our academic traditions. I fear that this fact is too much overlooked. Our requirements still look admirable on paper, but they are lacking in realism because they presuppose a different student situation than the one with which we are faced. Our students as a rule are neither stupid nor incapable, but very few of them have learned in college how to study effectively. Our colleges are to blame, but we can not wait upon a reformation of the colleges. Our business is to produce teachers who will reform the college. Indeed, attempts to reform education in this country by beginning at the bottom seem to me to be futile. We must begin at the top. This is difficult, but it is something which well deserves study by a group interested primarily in teaching. I shall be glad to contribute what I can to such a study and I thank you for giving me the opportunity.

Sincerely yours
(SIGNED)
Frederick J. E. Woodbridge

to
President Nicholas Murray Butler
Columbia University

______________

 

[Sent to each of the names listed below]

November 24, 1936

Professor F. J. E. Woodbridge
Department of Philosophy

Dear Professor Woodbridge:

For several years past I have been receiving from members of the faculties, from alumni, and from graduate students, suggestions relative to the conditions upon which the degree of Doctor of Philosophy is at present conferred and to the requirements for that degree. Many of these suggestions have been in criticism of existing practices and have urged that these be carefully examined with a view to their improvement.

In view of these suggestions, both oral and written, I beg now to appoint a Committee, consisting of members of the Graduate Faculties, to make a thorough study of this whole subject and to submit a report thereon to the President, before the close of the present academic year if possible, in order that this report may be laid by him before the University Council and the Graduate Faculties concerned, for their consideration. The Committee is designated as follows and will meet at the call of the Chairman.

 

Frederick J. E. Woodbridge — Chairman
Johnsonian Professor of Philosophy

Dino Bigongiari —
Da Ponte Professor of Italian

[added pencil note:  Leslie C. Dunn (12-11) Professor of Zoology]

John R. Dunning —
Assistant Professor of Physics

Isaac L. Kandel —
Professor of Education

Frank Gardner Moore —
Professor of Latin

Ralph L. Rusk —
Professor of English

Vladimir G. Simkhovitch —
Professor of Economic History

Harold C. Urey —
Professor of Chemistry

William L. Westermann —
Professor of Ancient History

Faithfully yours
[stamp signature]
Nicholas Murray Butler

______________

 

Remarks of the Frederick J. E. Woodbridge, Chairman, at the first meeting of the President’s Committee on the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, held on December 9, 1936.

[Pencil note: sent to members of Committee, Dec. 11, 1936]

The inquiry which the President has asked this committee to make can not, I think, be disassociated from a general inquiry into the educational problems with which the Graduate Faculties are at present faced. I should like to begin our deliberations with a few remarks on this subject.

For the past fifty years at least, education in this country has been lacking in stability. I may cite my own experience in illustration. I began my teaching in 1894 at the University of Minnesota. From that year to the present, I have repeatedly with others been engaged in educational reorganization and reform. There is no need to go into details. Teachers as old as I am have had the same experience if they have been active in college and university administration. They have witnessed periodic reorganizations which have varied from the gentle to the violent without, however, exhibiting a progressive approach to a stable educational policy. It is even now expected that a new president will reform the institution of which he is put in charge, that a new dean will reform his school, and that a new department head will reform his department. President Hutchins’ recent lectures at Yale on “The Higher Learning”, no matter what one may think of their content, are illustrative of a prevalent temper of mind.

About the beginning of this period of turmoil graduate schools began to appear. They adopted a fairly well defined educational policy, borrowed largely from abroad rather than built upon American social and economic conditions. To this policy they have in the main adhered although there have been many changes in the administration of it. Graduate schools proceeded on an assumption which, for a time, was justified, namely, that the bachelor’s degree as awarded by American colleges represented a fairly uniform intellectual background and discipline on the part of students who entered the graduate schools. When I came to Columbia in 1902, this assumption was questionable, but still had considerable evidence to support it. Today it has no evidence at all to support it. Yet, in principle and is generally expressed in printed regulations, the graduate school is still what it was originally conceived to be — a school who students are like-minded, have a general education adequate as a preparation for advanced instruction and research, and have the ambition to attain scholarly distinction in some branch of learning. The realistic fact is that the graduate school has now a student body radically different from the type which it, in principle, presupposes. This is a fact which, I think, calls for study on our part.

It is also a fact that the personnel of the graduate faculty is not of the kind which its principles call for. To this fact also we should pay attention. I put it aside for the present because I feel that the student body is the subject for the initial study. A clear understanding of what the student body is like on to lead to suggestions of effective ways of dealing with the student situation.

Dean McBain in his report for the period ending June 30, 1935, gave the results of a preliminary study he had made of certain factors like residence, employment, full and part-time registration, which enter into the determination of the character of the student body. It is a report with many important implications which, as he points out, require farther study and should be supplemented with personal interviews. I think this ought to be undertaken.

My own experience as dean led me to the conviction that the majority of our graduate students are here for no clearly defined purpose. They are here, I might say, from force of habit reinforced by the conviction that continued going to school is a good thing, socially, intellectually, and vocationally. They take pride in being known as graduate students at Columbia and candidates for a degree. Less than half of them, however, take the pains to secure a master’s degree although the requirements for that degree are well within their time and ability. Clearly the presence in the graduate school of so many students of this kind has an effect upon its intellectual character. I do not suggest their elimination. I would suggest, however, that their presence should not be allowed to determine methods of instruction or requirements for degrees.

I do not wish to anticipate the inquiries of the committee, but there are certain facts which it may be advisable to keep in mind from the start. Faced with the student body we have, the problem of their instruction seems to be of first importance. In any consideration of this problem, it is important to remember that the students as a rule have never really had the opportunity of a free election of courses, either in college or in the graduate school. Their studies have been pursued under a system of planned supervision all the way from the preparatory school to the attainment of the doctor’s degree. I must regard it as unfortunate when students after the age say of 18 are continuously subjected to a system of supervised study. The prolongation of intellectual immaturity and of the habits of tutelage is the inevitable result. Our system of higher education in America seems to breed intellectual passivity instead of intellectual activity. The graduate school ought, I think, to put a stop to this. Not only is it bad for the students, it is also bad for departments. Departments unnecessarily multiply courses and, under a system which fosters the supervision of election, students are often debarred from taking advantage of what the graduate school has to offer outside of the departments of their major interests.

Departmental sequestration of students would be less objectionable if we could presuppose that they had had a general education of consequence and now have the intellectual habits of the scholar. They have, as a rule, neither. The colleges rather than the students are to blame because in colleges generally subjects seem to be studied for some other purpose than the understanding of them. We can not wait on a reform of the colleges. Their reform in this matter depends on securing a different type of teacher on their faculties and we ought to provide that type of teachers.

The problem of instruction in the graduate school is in a very real sense a de novoproblem. It involves a transformation of intellectual habits and outlook. It involves freeing students from tutelage, forcing them to become familiar with the more conspicuous problems in the field of learning generally, arousing in them respect for disinterested study, and awakening in them a clear understanding of what they are doing. This may sound like elementary instruction, but I fear that it is the kind of instruction that few of our best students have ever had. To presuppose that they have had it is a great mistake.

I propose, therefore, for your consideration as something to undertake first a study of the character of the student body. I propose farther that the study begin with inquiries made, not by a sub-committee, but by the members of this committee individually, for the membership is representative of the three graduate faculties. I am inclined to think that individual reports in matters of this kind are of greater value than the report of a sub-committee. The individual guided by a few general suggestions can be left free to follow the lead of important matters which turn up in the course of his inquiries, and individual points of view in a matter like this are highly desirable. I wish to avoid the questionnaire for that instrument is, I fear, to successful in concealing information. Personal and free interviews with students are more revealing. I would suggest that interviews with the better students, like past and present holders of scholarships and fellowships, are particularly desirable, but each member of the committee will naturally use his own discretion in this matter and be guided by his own experience.

The inquiry may take the general form following:

  1. A continuation of the inquiry begun by Dean McBain in his report of June 30, 1935. There is much in the report suggesting the advantage of personal interviews.
  2. A study of the relation of undergraduate studies to graduate studies to ascertain what sort of preparation, general specific and auxiliary, students have had and how their studies in the graduate school are related to that preparation. Here personal interviews are important in order to find out what the expectations of the students are and how the undergraduate courses of a student ought to be supplemented if, in two or three years say, he can be regarded as a competent scholar.
  3. A study of the experience of teaching officers with students. What do they find students to be like and what do they find they can and cannot expect from them? This sort of information ought to be valuable as throwing light on what instructors are actually doing.

These three suggestions are made to indicate lines of possible advantageous inquiry. The individual members of the committee will use their discretion in dealing with them.

The next meeting of the committee will be held Saturday morning, December 19, at 10 o’clock in Room 704 Philosophy to consider such progress as the inquiry may have made in such other matters as may be presented by members of the committee.

Frederick J. E. Woodbridge
Chairman

December 12, 1936

______________

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK

February 18, 1937

To the Members of the Committee on the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy:

Following the suggestion made at our meeting on February 13, 1937 I am sending you the memorandum I then read having changed it a little in view of the discussion that followed. The memorandum is not offered as recommending a plan, although it is in the form of one, but rather to focus attention on certain points which are deliberations have brought pretty much to the front. It raises, besides many general questions three specific ones:

  1. Should candidates for the degree be given a radically different status from that of graduate students generally?
  2. How much individual freedom and responsibility should candidates have?
  3. How far should the control and responsibility of individual professors, particularly those immediately concerned with the candidate’s progress be emphasized as over against that of departments?

The opening paragraphs of the memorandum are an attempt to define the meaning of the degree in terms of our present procedure. Then follows a reference to three matters which have been emphasized in our discussions: (1) limitation of numbers, (2) definition of “department” and “subject” and (3) matriculation. The last is presented in the form of the plan referred to above.

 

The degree of Ph.D. at Columbia and elsewhere generally represents the satisfactory completion by college graduates of two or more years of graduate study of a “subject” under the direction of a “department” in the writing of a “dissertation” acceptable to an examining committee appointed by the Dean. The student is expected to defend his dissertation before this committee and the committee may examine him on subjects related thereto and also extend the examination farther if it seems fit to do so. The diploma is a certificate by the University that all this has been properly done. It is supposed also to be a certificate of scholarly competence, and such competence is regarded as the important consideration. How far this supposition is realized depends almost exclusively on the administration of departmental regulations.

Holders of the degree enjoy social and economic advantages. They may be saluted as Doctor and that means prestige. They form a group generally recognized as particularly eligible for a variety of paying positions, and thereby have an economic advantage over others of equal and even greater competence who are not holders of the degree. It is easier to “place” in these positions one who holds the degree than one who does not. In other words, the degree has the effect of dividing aspirants for these positions into two classes, the eligible in the ineligible. This may be said to be the particular privilege appertaining to the degree and, naturally, that privilege influences students to undertake graduate study who otherwise would not do so.

What the degree means administratively and what it means socially and economically define a situation with which we may work, but which we are powerless to change in its general character. Whatever administration is set up, university degrees, and particularly the degree of Ph.D., will carry with them social and economic advantages. They will be sought by many for that reason alone. The situation would obviously change of itself if holders of the degree turned out to be generally of little or no distinguished competence. Suspicion that the character of the present student body and laxity in the administration are responsible for a lowering of standards of competence, is the sole reason for anxiety about this degree. There is enough ground for this suspicion to make it desirable to consider ways and means of bettering the administration.

Students are now admitted to the University under the jurisdiction of the Graduate Faculties solely on condition that they have an acceptable bachelor’s degree or have had an education equivalent to that represented by such a degree. Here the Office of University Admissions has jurisdiction. Since the bachelor’s degree does not represent any uniformity of education, the student body is very miscellaneous in intellectual background and discipline. It is miscellaneous also in attendance and in the division of time given to study into other pursuits. Columbia, because of its location, attracts many students whose attendance is dependent on their convenience and who are often obliged to make their attendance incidental. Because of the circumstances, admission to graduate study is not regarded as equivalent to acceptance as a candidate for a degree. For such acceptance, students have to satisfy requirements supplementary to those for admission and these are fixed by departments under certain general and uniform provisions made by the Faculties.

Changes in the requirements for admission to graduate study are probably neither necessary nor wise. Changes in the requirements for candidacy may be both. Here seems to be the natural point of departure for reform of our present practice regarding the degree of Ph.D. if such reformists thought expedient. The selection from the student body, so diversified in its character, of properly qualified candidates for the degree, is of first importance. There is a diversity of opinion regarding how, when, and on what conditions the selection should be made. Among suggestions offered in this connection there are here noted as topics for consideration.

 

  1. Limitation of the number of candidates in departments.

The departments should restrict the number of candidates to the quota they can adequately provide for. This naturally raises the question of the meaning of adequate provision and illustrates how we have repeatedly found suggestions interlocking. Perhaps, however, adequate provision may be defined independently in a preliminary weight at least. It may be defined in terms of presently available space and equipment and presently available staff. There seems to be no doubt that the larger departments especially are overburdened with candidates and unable to give them the desired attention. Still further increasing the size of the department does not seem to be an adequate remedy for it is evident that large numbers account for many of the difficulties we now encounter. Fewer candidates would be a decided advantage.

 

  1. Redefining “department” and “subject”.

This is a matter well deserving attention. Personally I question every departmental division of the field of knowledge and every “classification of sciences” except the most general. The labor of investigation may be divided, but the “scheme of things” presses upon us all in its entirety. Our own departmental divisions have grown out of budgetary and administrative convenience and historical accidents rather than out of educational wisdom. They overlap in their interests as do our three faculties. All this is very patent when our announcements are examined. Furthermore there is a tendency to multiply and sub-divide departments and there is confusion in the distinction between “department” and “subject”. Departments are sometimes subjects and subjects are sometimes departments. This is also patent from the announcements. All this confusion tends to make “specialization” too much like an exclusion of relevant matters in a focusing of attention. It begets the alarm of “narrow specialization” in ignorance of the fact that “broad specialization” would be a calamity.

 

  1. Matriculation examination.

Here there is such a difference of opinion that I venture to propose an outline a plan to be criticized, acutely aware that it is open to many objections.

  1. Matriculation examinations should be regularly scheduled in the examination periods at the end of each winter in spring session.
  2. They should be both written and oral.
    1. A written examination on specified subject matter prepared by the department and read by at least two readers.
    2. A written examination of the comprehensive objective type now coming more and more into use as a test of general equipment and mental traits; this examination to be prepared by a committee of the faculties.
    3. An oral examination by the professor expected to be in charge of the candidate’s future work who may associate others with him.
    4. An oral examination in the reading of French and German. This might be part of (3).
    5. judgment should be rendered on the examination as a whole so that applicants, if accepted as candidates, are accepted without conditions; in the examination as a whole should be the last ceremonial examination to which candidates are subject.
  3. Students accepted as candidates should be required to be in full time residence for at least three semesters subsequent to matriculation during which period they would pay a flat tuition fee and have the freedom of the University which means that they should be free to attend any courses open to general regulation and be obligated for no other work in them than that which attendance implies. The special work on which they are engaged should be pursued under the direction of the professor in charge of it who should consider himself obligated to see to it that they use the freedom of the University effectively.
  4. The dissertation should be prepared under the direction of the professor in charge. When it has progressed far enough for a preliminary judgment, it should be submitted to a committee of criticism for such suggestions as the committee considers pertinent and it should periodically thereafter be so submitted until the professor in charge and the committee are satisfied of its merit. There will be no final examination or defense of the dissertation as at present.

Among the effects such matriculation would have are the following:

  1. No student would matriculate until after one semester after admission.
  2. Every recipient of the degree would have had at least three semesters in full residence and at least one — the one prior to matriculation — in full or partial residence.
  3. The award of the degree would depend on what candidates accomplished after matriculation.
  4. Individual professors rather than departments would be responsible for the direction of the work of students after matriculation substituting thus individual for corporate responsibility.
  5. The number of candidates would be controlled by the number of students for whom individual professors assumed responsibility.

The object of this proposal is to make of the post-matriculation period a period with a social and intellectual status radically different from the present among candidates for the degree and the professors in charge of their work. It has the additional object of making it possible greatly to reduce the number of candidates and to increase the responsibility of professors. Responsibility cannot be administered. It is, however, more acutely felt when the emphasis is personal and social than when responsibility is shifted to administrative machinery. One more comment: although the responsibility of professors is increased many present distractions from their work would probably disappear.

I raise the question whether in our report to the President we should formulate any specific plan for regulating the award of the degree. There is just complaint about the present situation. Perhaps we should confine our report to an indication of the places in the present administration where improvements might be made. I think, however, that it would help to clarify our own minds and make our work more effective, should the faculties undertake a revision of requirements, if we worked out a scheme for such a revision ourselves. If the degree ought to have greater scholarly and personal significance then it now has, we have, I think, an obligation to be prepared to do more than indicate where improvements might be made.

Respectfully submitted,
FREDERICK J. E. WOODBRIDGE
Columbia University

______________

 

Columbia University
in the City of New York

Department of Philosophy

May 12, 1937

President Nicholas Murray Butler
Columbia University

Dear Mr. President:

Your Committee on the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy begs leave to make the following preliminary report and asks to be continued.

The problems of the degree are bound up with the system of general education in the country. This would obviously be true in any event, but at the present time the problems are complicated by the fact that general education in this country has been undergoing constant reformation for the past fifty years and has not yet attained sufficient stability to serve as a basis for constructive and consistent planning by graduate schools. “An acceptable bachelor’s degree” is now, generally, the sole requirement for admission to these schools and that degree has long since ceased to represent uniformity in intellectual background and discipline. There is constant complaint that the recipients of it are “uneducated.” The complaint often means little more and that the complainer does not like the education which the recipients have received. There is, however, one fairly uniform complaint free from personal prejudice, and this is that far too many college graduates have not attained that intellectual maturity which enables them to know their own minds, to estimate their own work in relation to its specific and general bearings, to study independently, and to be actively aware of the instrumentalities needed for such study. They evidently expect that such deficiencies, so far as they are aware of them, will be made good under the tutelage of their instructors, after entering the graduate school and as their work proceeds. They may have good minds and be intellectually alert, inquisitive, ambitious, and even precocious, but they are generally lacking in experience of the intellectual discipline which marks the scholar.

The situation was different, because it was much more simple, when graduate schools began to be established in this country. The prime motive for these schools was desire to provide at home the sort of opportunity which college graduates found for continued study in European universities. In those days our colleges had, as a rule, a fairly uniform and much restricted curriculum. It had the great advantage, however, of submitting students to many years of discipline in a few subjects which usually carried them as far in them as most of the recipients of the master’s degree and many of the doctors are today carried in the same subjects. They attended our graduate schools for reasons like those which still led to many of them to go abroad, for an enlarged intellectual and cultural experience, for a freer opportunity for independent study, and to win scholarly distinction. Graduate schools could then frame their organization and set up the requirements for their degree with the knowledge that their students were, in general, much alike, differing in ability rather than in intellectual background and discipline. They could regard the degree of Doctor of Philosophy as the recognition of matured and independent scholarship and as a certification of ability both to teach and to investigate. Graduate schools were in fact what they were conceived to be, institutions for advanced instruction and research based on a college education conspicuously uniform in intellectual character.

The situation today is very different. The familiar causes which have brought the change about need not be rehearsed. Some of the consequences need to be emphasized. Graduate schools, for example, have had an effect upon the colleges which was not originally expected. The original expectation was clearly that colleges and graduate schools would supplement each other to the advantage of both. Something else happened. The College tended more and more to look upon itself as the final custodian of general education and upon the graduate school as a school for the training of specialists. This tendency was fortified by the advancement of professional schools to university status which led them to look to the college for preparatory training for their own students. It was repellent to the colleges to be forced into the position of preparatory schools and this repulsion was reinforced by social pressure. One finds abundant evidence of all this in the educational literature since the opening of the century. The question of the place of the college in the general system is still in debate. Dear as “the dear Old College” is to the hearts of alumni, there are many serious students of education who question the wisdom of its continuance beyond what is now usually represented by its first two years. The Junior College and then the University with its various schools is the sequence which has many advocates. Our colleges naturally resist this recommendation to commit suicide in the interest of a plan commended for its rationality alone. They insist that a liberal education in the interest of an enlightened citizenry, socially minded, is their obligation; beyond that lies the University. The old College with its narrow and restricted curriculum did produce specialists although they were marked under the title of liberally or classically educated persons. The new college with its vastly enlarged and freer curriculum and the consequent meaning given to the adjective “liberal” has removed from the bachelor’s degree any standard educational significance.

As a consequence the graduate school is put into a position it was not originally intended to occupy. Admission to it in terms of a bachelor’s degree is not a definition of acceptability for candidacy for its degrees unless these degrees are themselves transformed into a certificate for the completion of courses of study adapted to the character of the student body entering. The emphasis tends to shift from subjects to persons with the studies accommodated to the varied antecedent preparation of the students and to the varied purposes for which they seek the degrees. Provision is expected, for example, for the study of German philosophy with no knowledge of the German language, for the study of statistics with no adequate preparation in mathematics, for the study of one branch of science with no adequate knowledge of intimately related other branches or even of the science itself. After admission it is hoped that such and similar deficiencies will be made good. In short the graduate school is forced to recognize that admission to it does not carry with it the presumption that an admitted student is a fit candidate for a degree. It carries the contrary presumption. His fitness is usually subsequently determined, but it is clear that subsequent determination becomes more and more embarrassing the longer it is deferred. Tests of endurance encroach on tests of fitness.

Another important consequence of educational and social changes which affects the graduate school is the estimate of its degrees in terms of values other than those originally intended. They were intended to mark the progress of college graduates in scholarly and teaching proficiency. Only in that sense were they professional degrees and that sense is still the one proclaimed in announcements. It is not, however, what may be called their present operative sense. Their possession rather than what they are supposed to represent has become an important asset in securing positions of greater diversity in character, in discharging, without examination into fitness, the qualifications for entrance upon various careers, and enhancing social distinction. Much of this sort of thing is natural enough, for university degrees, even in a democratic society, will humanly be regarded as honors irrespective of the merit of their possessors. This frailty may be dismissed with irony rather than with condemnation. It becomes more than a frailty when it becomes educationally operative. When the degree is sought, not as a recognition of merit, but as a qualification for advancement and when social and economic pressure effectively supports the seeking of it for that purpose, the graduate school, if it yields, has lost control of its own degrees. The assumption, for example, that are very large number of graduate students indicates an eagerness for scholarship, is absurd. It indicates rather the pressure of social and economic circumstances which tend to warp the graduate school from its professed purpose.

Large number of students and particularly rapid increase of numbers have had an unfortunate effect on faculty personnel. Hasty and ill-considered appointments, especially in the junior grades, are made under the pressure of instructional needs and with the perilous expectation that they will be temporary — an expectation too frequently fulfilled by their becoming permanent. For the instructional needs tend to increase instead of to diminish. The failure of graduate departments to reproduce their leaders is too conspicuous. There never seems time to do what would be done if there were time to do it: That is a much too common complaint. There is too much pitiful discussion of how much time should be given to “teaching” and how much to “research.” It is pitiful because that sort of division of a scholar’s time is the sad confession that what scholarship is has either been forgotten or never known.

Adverse criticism, some of it querulous but much of it sound, of the recipients of graduate degrees, is another consequence of the changes noted above. The taunt that college graduates are uneducated is repeated in the case of holders of graduate degrees, and, it is safe to say, with as much force. In both cases the taunt needs to be discounted. Yet it is clear that the difficulty of securing well-trained teachers and scholars for our colleges and universities has increased in spite of the fact that graduate schools have been operative for half a century. This is a very serious matter. The thing that is conspicuously rare in the product of our graduate schools is a thing eminently desirable, namely, a living sense of the continuity of learning and of the dominant ideas that have characterized it. Our graduate schools can claim no exclusiveness in the matter of a genuinely intellectual society, but obviously they should be citadels in such a society. As it is, they are over-departmentalized and departmentalization is in danger of running riot. The catchword for this is “narrow specialization.” But specialization is highly to be commended as a potent factor in the division of intellectual labor. It is narrowing only when pursued in an atmosphere of narrowness, only when not straying beyond one’s own little field is looked upon as a virtue instead of a vice. Such a moral distortion is the great enemy of an intellectual society. Our graduate schools have not done and do not do what they might to make this distortion less current. They have assisted it by dividing and subdividing departments, by multiplying “subjects,” and by the “proliferation” — an apt biological simile — of courses to such an extent that “the course” or “courses” tend to become what teachers “give” and students “take,” often in shameful ignorance of their intellectual purpose and justification.

It is apparent from the foregoing that your Committee has had much to occupy its attention. In our study of the situation, many questions have been considered upon which we are not yet prepared to make recommendations, such as limitation of the number of entering students, quotas for various departments; fellowships, scholarships, and stipends of various sorts; fees by points or a flat fee; clearer definitions of such terms as “attendance,” “residents,” “subject,” “department,” “full-time” and “part-time” students; nature of graduate study, course requirements with the implication of supervised registration or free registration with more emphasis on independent individual study; responsibility to the public independent of the matter of degrees; limitations of faculty and departmental control; ultimate requirements for the degree. We are convinced that the conception of graduate degrees as evidenced by the published profession of graduate schools should be maintained, but that the methods of maintaining it need revision in view of existing conditions. At present we have but one recommendation to make and it affects the entrance upon graduate work.

Your Committee began its studies with an examination of the student body involved, starting with the investigation begun by Dean McBain in his report for the academic year ending June 30, 1935. The result of this study was the conviction that it has become necessary to distinguish more clearly and definitely than is now done, candidates for the degree from the entire student body and the distinction should be gone as early as possible in order that, by progressive steps, a group of candidates may be selected for whom particular provision should be made. We make no recommendation touching the present requirement for admission generally. We do, however, recommend that for presumptive candidates for both the degrees of Master of Arts and Doctor of Philosophy the general requirement for admission be supplemented by a departmental examination to be satisfied upon entrance and before registration is complete. The master’s degree is included in the recommendation in order that candidacy for it may not operate as a substitute for the proposed examination and also to safeguard that degree more effectively than is now done. The recommendation is presented in the following form:

A qualifying examination for prospective candidacy for the degrees of Master of Arts and Doctor of Philosophy shall be given by departments at the beginning of each session and prior to the completion of registration. Only students who have satisfied this examination, normally upon entrance, will be regarded as prospective candidates.

  1. The ground to be covered in the examination shall be specified by each department in terms of clearly defined subject-matter, with an indication of the literature important in preparation for it. The examination shall be designed to show whether the student is sufficiently grounded in the subject in which he expects to specialize and whether he has a satisfactory background of general culture and scholarship, command of English usage, and ability to read such foreign languages as the department may require.
  2. The examination including that in foreign languages shall be written, and the quality of the writing be used as a test of the student’s command of English.
  3. The examination shall in no sense be regarded as an examination for a degree and the successful passing of it shall not excuse the prospective candidate from any of the other departmental requirements.
  4. Each department shall determine whether students who fail will be allowed to present themselves for a second examination.
  5. No substitute in terms of courses to be taken later or of antecedent grades and credits shall be accepted in lieu of the examination.
  6. A statement of the examination and its requirements shall be published in the departmental announcements after prior submission for approval to the faculty committee on instruction.
  7. Persons were accepted by the Office of University Admissions as graduate students who do not pass the examination shall not be permitted to register for discussion groups, seminars, or such other courses as may be specified by departments.

The effect of this examination properly administered would be, first, to acquaint students definitely with what is expected of them at the time of entrance in the matter of preliminary preparation, secondly to place responsibility for this preparation directly on the student, and, thirdly, to prevent the assumption and its consequences that admission to graduate study is presumptive candidacy for a degree. We recognize fully that graduate schools have, under existing circumstances, obligations to students independent of the safeguarding of degrees, but we recognize also that these other obligations have now given to such safeguarding an imperative emphasis.

This recommendation is a preliminary step, and, if approved by the Faculties, can be put into operation immediately upon its adoption without prejudicing other and perhaps more important matters. We present, therefore, this preliminary report and ask to be continued.

 

Respectfully submitted
[signed Frederick Jay. E. Woodbridge]
Chairman

[signed I. L. Kandel]
Secretary

______________

May 21, 1937

Professor Frederick J. E. Woodbridge
39 Claremont Avenue
New York City

Dear Professor Woodbridge:

I thank you warmly for your letter of the 20thand for the interesting and constructive preliminary report made on behalf of the Special Committee on the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy which accompanies it. I appreciate to the full the care and guiding attention which you have given to this important problem and shall ask you to continue the work of the committee under your direction until such time as you feel that everything possible has been accomplished.

Meanwhile, will it not be desirable for me to have this preliminary report multigraphed and distributed early in the autumn to the member of the Graduate Faculties for their information?

I shall name a successor to Professor Westermann in a day or two and advise you of his name. It may not be wise to name Professor Jessup since for two years to come he is to give an immense amount of time and work to his very important LIFE OF ELIHU ROOT.

With warm regard and best wishes for your summer holiday, I am

Faithfully yours,
[Stamped signature]
Nicholas Murray Butler

______________

 

Columbia University
in the City of New York

Department of Philosophy

May 12, 1937

President Nicholas Murray Butler
Columbia University

Dear President Butler:

Thank you for your letter of May 21 acknowledging the preliminary report of the Committee on the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. I think it would be advisable to have the report multigraphed and distributed and would suggest that it may be more opportune to have that done now instead of waiting until the autumn. There has been, I find, considerable interest awakened by the work of the Committee and some present curiosity regarding what it has so far accomplished. Under these circumstances I wonder if it would not be more advantageous to send out the report now.

Sincerely yours
[signed]
Frederick J. E. Woodbridge

______________

 

Source:  Columbia University Archives. Central Files. Box1.1-136—1.1.141, Folder “8/8 Woodbridge, Frederick James Eugene”.

Image Source: Review of “The Paper Chase” (Comedy about Law School life)from in The Law News at Washington & Lee University School of Law, Octobere 30, 2014.

 

Categories
Business School Columbia Economists Harvard

Harvard. Economics Ph.D. (1923) alumnus and Columbia Business School Dean, J. E. Orchard Memo on Galbraith, 1946.

 

John Ewing Orchard (b. 19 July 1893 in Exeter, Nebraska; d. 28 January 1962 in Charlottesville, Virginia) wrote the following summary of a telephone conversation with his former boss, Edward R. Stettinius, Jr. (who supervised the work of John Kenneth Galbraith at the Lend Lease Administration during WWII) and incidentally went on to serve as the Secretary of State). From this memo it is clear that Galbraith’s name came up for consideration for the Deanship of the Columbia School of Business. Orchard, a Harvard economics Ph.D. (1923), might have had ulterior motives in entering this document into the record — it can be found in the papers of then chairman of the economics department, Robert Haig, that have been deposited in the Central Files of the Columbia University administration. We see below that Orchard himself was later appointed to the Deanship of the business school…coincidence?

In any event, in case there might be any doubt in somebody’s mind, John Kenneth Galbraith had done nothing in government service that would have enhanced his prospects to become an academic Dean. His comparative advantage was to be found in other endeavors. Whether John Kenneth Galbraith indeed had “poison in his soul” as noted by Stettinius is left to his legions of admirers and detractors to determine. However, given Galbraith’s life motto “Modesty is a most overrated virtue”, I presume Stettinius had confused poison with an ego of legendary proportion.

____________________

Kenneth Galbraith

Stettinius on Galbraith

Telephone conversation with Edward R. Stettinius, Jr., concerning Galbraith, October 23, 1946.

Galbraith worked with Stettinius on the National Defense Council in 1940. Stettinius stated that there was no question but that Galbraith was a brilliant economist, but he was a difficult person to work with. He seemed always to be taking a belligerent left wing position and never was in the middle of the road. I gathered that there was little give and take as far as Galbraith was concerned. Stettinius also said he seemed to have “poison in his soul”.

After Galbraith left OPA, Stettinius, as a result of considerable pressure, took him into the Lend Lease Administration. His experience with him there was not satisfactory, for after Stettinius had assigned him to a responsible position, Galbraith did not establish friendly working relations with his associates. He did not seem to be interested in the work or in the organization and after a couple of months he quit. Stettinius stated that he did not believe that Galbraith would make a good dean.

John E. Orchard

Source:  Columbia University.  Central Files. Box 386, Folder 7/7 “Haig, Robert Murray”.

____________________

John Ewing Orchard,
Harvard economics Ph.D. 1923

John Ewing Orchard, A. B. (Swarthmore Coll.) 1916, A.M. (Harvard Univ.) 1920.

Subject, Economics. Special Field, Economic Resources. Thesis, “The World’s Coal Resources and some of their Influences on National Economy.” Instructor in Economic Geography, Columbia University.

Source:  Harvard University. Report of the President of Harvard College, 1922-1923, p. 52.

____________________

Guggenheim Fellowship, 1931

JOHN E. ORCHARD
Fellow: Awarded 1931
Field of Study: Economic History
Competition: US & Canada

As published in the Foundation’s Report for 1931–32:

ORCHARD, JOHN EWING:  Appointed to study the transition that is occurring in China from agriculture and from household industries to modern manufacturing, investigations to be carried on chiefly in China; tenure, eight months from June 20, 1931.

Born July 19, 1893, at Exeter, Nebraska. Education:  Swarthmore college, A.B., 1916; Harvard University, M.A., 1920, Ph.D., 1923; University of Pennsylvania, 1917–18; University of Chicago, Summer, 1920.

Assistant in Geography and Industry, 1917–18, University of Pennsylvania; Assistant Mine Economist, United States Bureau of Mines, 1918–19; Instructor in Economic Geography, 1920–24, Assistant Professor, 1924–29, Associate Professor, 1929—, Columbia University.

Publications: Japan’s Economic Position: The Progress of Industrialization, 1920; chapter on Marine Insurance in Influence of the Great War on Shipping, by J. Russell Smith, 1919; chapter on Gold in Political and Commercial Geology, edited by J. E. Spurr, 1920. Articles in Quarterly Journal of Economics, Geographical Review, Journal of Geography, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science.

 

Source:  John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation Website. Fellow page: John E. Orchard.

____________________

Dr. Orchard New Business School Dean
[Columbia Daily Spectator, 9 January 1947]

Dr. John E. Orchard, professor of economic geography at Columbia and one of the country’s outstanding authorities on the Far East, will replace Dean Robert D. Calkins as director of the School of Business, it was announced yesterday by Dr. Frank D. Fackenthal, acting president of the University.

Dean Calkins, who has been the head of the Business School since 1941, resigned in order to accept an appointment as vice president and director of the General Education Board in New York City.

Professor Orchard, a graduate of Swathmore and Harvard Universities, has been a member of the teaching staff of the School of Business since 1920.

Active In Government

From May 1941 until January 1946, he served as a member of several important government agencies in Washington D. C. He was senior assistant administrator to Edward Stettinius when the latter was Lend-Lease Administrator. Later Dr. Orchard was appointed special assistant to Mr. Stettinius when he was Under Secretary of State. Dean Orchard served as special assistant to William Clayton, who was the Assistant Secretary of State for Economic, Affairs. His last Washington assignment was as senior consultant to the Foreign Liquidation Commissioner, Thomas B. McCabe. He spent the years of 1926-27, 1931-32, and 1938-39 in Asia and in 1930 published a book entitled “Japan’s Economic Problem”.

Source:  Columbia Daily Spectator, Volume LXIX, Number 34, 9 January 1947.

Image Source: John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation Website. Fellow page: John E. Orchard.

Categories
Columbia Economics Programs

Columbia. Memo from economics chair to department members with three recommendations, 1945

October 30, 1945

To the Members of the Department of Economics:

            During the past two years the members of the Department have reviewed the contents of the various courses in the present curriculum, and have discussed problems of departmental organization. Certain of the issues raised in these discussions, and one or two related general problems, should be settled within the present year. Questions that were academic during the period of reduced registration are more pressing at the present time, and will be insistent under the heavy registration to be expected next year.

            The following are some of our present and pending problems:

  1. The numbers of students registered in certain courses are too large for effective instruction by the methods preferred by the instructors. This problem promises to become more serious.
  2. The heterogeneity of the student body with respect to training and experience makes it difficult to do justice to the well-prepared students while meeting the needs of the less well-prepared.
    Like problems arise from the mixture of part-time and full-time students, and from the mixture of students planning to become professional economists with students who have no serious professional interests. Standards of instruction suffer, as a result.
  3. Failure to week out weaker students lessens the effectiveness of the work we can do with capable advanced students.
  4. Under present arrangements for the preparation of dissertations it is difficult properly to supervise the research work of advanced graduate students, and to give them adequate training in research procedures.

            The following recommendations bear upon these and related problems. The considerations that prompt each recommendation will be familiar to members of the Department, and need not be expounded in detail.

  1. I propose that we set up a clear distinction between two classes of graduate students.
    1. Standard candidates, whose objective is the doctoral degree, with or without the M.A. as an intermediary degree.
      Standard candidates will be selected upon the basis of their own statements of intention, and after careful review of their educational records by the Office of Admissions and the Department of Economics. High standards will be enforced. Standard candidates must register each term for a minimum of 12 points (or for a smaller number if that number will complete residence requirements for the doctorate).
      Standard candidates may be designated at the time of admission to the Graduate School, or later.
      The status of all standard candidates will be reviewed by the Department at or before the close of their first full year of graduate study. This review may take the form of special written examinations. Only with explicit approval of the Department may standard candidates register for a second year of graduate work. The Department may subject standard candidates to review at later stages of their work, as well as at the close of the first year.
      Certain courses of instruction and certain seminars will be open only to standard candidates.
    1. Terminal M. A. candidates. These are students whose final objective in the graduate school is the Master’s degree. In general, the present rules for the M.A. degree will apply to this group.
      The one important modification proposed is that grades of B or better be required for the 21 points of examination credit that must be offered for the M.A. degree. This tightening of M.A. standards seems essential. With it we might, to advantage, enforce more rigorous standards for the M.A. thesis.
      The students placed in this class would include all those who contemplate no graduate work beyond the M.A., and those whose intentions regarding graduate work beyond the M.A. are uncertain.
      The accomplishments of students in this group would be subject to periodic review and those with definitely unsatisfactory records would not be allowed to continue their graduate work.

Unclassified graduate students, students provisionally admitted to the graduate school and students not candidates for a higher degree will be grouped with Terminal M.A. candidates in determining admissibility to graduate courses and seminars. Students desiring to work for the doctorate but whose educational records do not warrant immediate acceptance as standard candidates will also be grouped with terminal M.A. candidates. The Department may transfer such students to the standard category on the basis of demonstrated capacity.

Under this proposed classification, we shall set off for special attention legitimate candidates for professional training as economists, and for this group shall enforce standards of attendance and accomplishment more rigorous than those applied to other graduate students. If we are to preserve high standards of instruction and training for the doctorate there is only one alternative to the proposed segregation. That is the drastic curtailment of the size of the graduate group. Under present conditions this does not appear to be a feasible alternative.

            In determining what courses are to be restricted to standard candidates, account will be taken of the wishes of the instructors, the specified pre-requisites and the manner in which the instructors wish to handle their classes (e.g. lectures, or discussion), as well as subject matter.

            Some review of our curriculum will be called for, if this division is to be enforced. Small classes, with more emphasis on seminars and specialized research, will be appropriate in the programs of the standard candidates. Large lecture courses and courses of fairly wide scope will continue to be given for the terminal M.A. candidates and unclassified students. There will be, of course, a mixing of groups in some classes.

            There should be considerable flexibility in the framing of programs for the standard candidates, so that men who come to Columbia with a considerable background of work in economics will not be obliged to take certain of the general courses intended for men who come with a liberal arts background and little specialization in economics.

            2. I recommend that every doctoral candidate be required to devote a period equivalent to at least one semester, and preferably one year, to rigorous research training, under the supervision of the Department. In general this should mean a year in residence, or in an approved research position, following the oral examination on subjects. During this period the candidate’s dissertation should be substantially completed. An appropriate administrative rule, when formulated, will have to make some allowance for flexibility of application, but the objective should be clear. The writing of the doctoral dissertation is an integral part of the candidate’s professional training. It should be completed under the guidance of the Department, or under other conditions that will assure appropriate supervision and sound training in research techniques.

            3. I recommend that the Department approve, in principle, the organization of two specialized centers of economic research. Plans for these institutes, or research centers, will be submitted to the President. Financial support will be sought within and without the University. It is hoped that these institutes will provide members of the faculty with research funds and research facilities, and that they will strengthen the educational work of the Department by providing advanced graduate students with opportunities to assist in research projects during their period of graduate training.

            The centers now proposed are an Institute of Public Finance and an Institute of International Economics. Detailed memoranda on the organization of these institutes have been prepared.

            If the Department favors these three general recommendations consideration will have to be given to requisite curricular changes and, possibly, to admission procedures and minor administrative matters. Appropriate recommendations can be placed before the Department at a later time.

Frederick C. Mills

Source:  Columbia University Archives. Rare Book and Manuscript Library. Central Files 1890-.  Box 396. Folder: “1.1.288 1/1 Mills, Frederick Cecil.”

Categories
Columbia Gender

Columbia. Faculty of Political Science Not Yet Supporting Admission of Women, 1892

 

It is not clear whether the undersigned were actually against the admission of women to the graduate courses offered by the Faculty of Political Science of Columbia University in 1892 or procedural sticklers navigating troubled waters (or both). In any event, this is a pretty curious document.

___________________

Names, Ranks, and Fields of Signers

Edmund Munroe Smith, Professor of Roman Law and Comparative Jurisprudence
Frank J. Goodnow, Professor of Administrative Law
Edwin R. A. Seligman, Professor of Political Economy and Finance and Secretary of the Faculty
William A. Dunning, Adjunct Professor of History
John Bassett Moore, Professor of History and Political Philosophy
Herbert L. Osgood, Adjunct Professor of History

___________________

Admission Interruptus

Columbia College
In the City of New York
School of
Political Science

Jan. 15, 1892

Seth Low, LL.D.,
President of Columbia College.

Dear Sir:

We, the undersigned members of the Faculty of Political Science, desire to withdraw for the present our assent, given separately and without consultation, to the admission of women to our University courses. It is evident to us, on reflection, that the admission of women to certain courses makes it very difficult to exclude them from any, and that the assent of each professor in so far prejudices the decision of all: and we think that a change of policy of such importance should be made only by the Faculty, and after general and full discussion.

We see moreover the possibility of great detriment to the work of the School of Political Science if this question should be determined without a degree of harmony in the Faculty which does not as yet exist.

Yours respectfully,
[signed]
Munroe Smith
Frank J. Goodnow
Edwin R. A. Seligman
Wm. A. Dunning
J. B. Moore
Herbert L. Osgood

Source: Columbia University, Rare Book and Manuscript Library. Columbia University Archives. Central Files 1890-. Box 339. Folder: “1.1.19; Smith, Munroe; 5/1891-11/1909”.

 

 

Categories
Cambridge Chicago Columbia Economists Harvard Ohio State Vanderbilt

Harvard. Economics Ph.D. alumnus, James W. Ford, 1954.

 

In this latest addition to our series “Get to Know an Economics Ph.D.”  we meet a Harvard Ph.D. from 1954, James William Ford.  His Ph.D. dissertation’s title was “International monetary relations and the British monetary system, 1920-1939”.

Ford’s academic path began as an undergraduate at Oberlin, then he went on to Harvard for his graduate work. Before getting his Ph.D., Ford received one of the very first round of Fulbright Fellowships to attend Cambridge University. He taught at Columbia, Vanderbilt, and Ohio State followed by two years working at the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. His long final career stage was with the Ford Motor Company as a leading financial economist.

_____________

James William Ford (1923-2017)
Obituary

James William Ford, a beloved father, grandfather, and great-grandfather, died at age 94 on November 23 at his home in Ann Arbor, Michigan. Mr. Ford was born February 1, 1923 in Alameda, California, the son of Eunice George Ford and Shelton C. Ford, and older brother of Eunice Ford. He is survived by his second wife, Phyllis Ford; three children, Julian Ford, Amy Milkovich, Carol Arkin; two step-children, Jessica Leix and Peter Leix; 10 grandchildren; 1 step-granddaughter; and 7 great-grandchildren. In the first three decades of his life, Mr. Ford was an outstanding student and a City of Detroit High School Debate champion, served in the Army as a meteorologist during World War II, a graduate of Oberlin College in 1947, a Master of Arts recipient in economics from Harvard University in 1949, one of the first class of Fulbright Scholars in 1951 (at Cambridge University in Great Britain), and Doctor of Philosophy recipient in economics from Harvard University in 1954. Mr. Ford taught economics at Columbia University from 1951 to 1953, at Vanderbilt University from 1953 to 1957, and Ohio State University from 1957 to 1959, before becoming a postdoctoral fellow at the University Chicago with the eminent economist Milton Friedman. Mr. Ford served as Economist to the Board of Governors at the U.S. Federal Reserve from 1959-1961. He then moved to Ford Motor Company where he worked for the rest of his career until retiring in 1988. Mr. Ford was the Assistant Controller for the Ford Motor Company Finance Staff from 1961 to 1975, Executive Vice President for Insurance and Special Finance Operations at Ford Motor Credit Company from 1975-1977, then president from 1977-1980 and Chairman,1980-1987, of Ford Motor Credit Company. At Ford Motor Company he became Vice President from 1980-1987, Executive Vice President from 1987-1988, and President of Ford Finance Services Group from 1987-1988. Under his leadership, Ford Motor Credit Company developed a program and portfolio of financial policies and investments that achieved unprecedented fiscal success for the company. He visited and met with Ford Motor Company dealership executives all over the country, developing a network of successful entrepreneurs and many close friendships that lasted throughout his retirement. After retiring at age 65, Mr. Ford was very active for the next 25 years as a Board member for several nonprofit agencies serving children and families, investment firms, and most especially with the United Methodist Retirement Community and the Towsley Center in Chelsea, Michigan, where a wing is dedicated to his mother and a garden is dedicated to his beloved first wife Anne, and with Starfish Family Services. Mr. Ford was an avid tennis player for most of his life and captained a small sailboat every weekend for many years, and followed in his mother’s tradition by traveling widely around the world. He was a devoted brother to his younger sister, Eunice, and was much loved by many other members of the Ford family and in-laws on the Farley side of his and Anne’s family, and countless close friends including members of a potluck group in Ann Arbor that convened monthly for more than four decades. According to his wishes, a gravesite service will be held at Botsford Cemetery in Ann Arbor in the Spring…

Source:  Published in Ann Arbor News on Dec. 3, 2017.

Image Source: Oberlin College Yearbook, The Hi-O-Hi, p. 32.

Categories
Berkeley Carnegie Institute of Technology Columbia Economist Market Modigliani Ohio State Salaries

Columbia. Economist salaries below market. Examples of Modigliani and James W. Ford, 1956

 

The following letter provides interesting testimony to Franco Modigliani‘s market value in 1956 as well as how A. G. Hart hoped to offer Modigliani’s other offers together with an offer extended to James William Ford (Harvard economics Ph.D., 1954) by Ohio State University as evidential ammunition in the economics department plea for a significant increase in Columbia University salaries to remain competitive.

_________________

COPY

[Stamp: Office of the Vice President, July 13, 1956, Columbia University]

July 8, 1956

Prof. Carl S. Shoup
Executive Officer
Department of Economics
503 Fayerweather

Dear Professor Shoup:

This is to give further background on the scrap of evidence about the adequacy of Columbia University salary scales that is offered by Franco Modigliani’s comment on our offer of a visiting professorship for next year. As your note points out, the interpretation hinges largely on his professional status.

Against our offer of $10,000 for a one-year visit, as I read Modigliani’s letter with its gentlemanly absence of specific figures, he was offered $12,000 for a year as visiting professor at Harvard and at least $12,500 as permanent professor at Berkeley, and settled for (I take it) $12,000 to stay at Carnegie Tech. His age is 37 or 38, I believe, and he has been professor for two or three years at Carnegie Tech.

Modigliani’s reputation is established, but not very wide. He has published several distinguished articles, and has important work in progress; but his only book publication to date has been a collaboration with Neisser. Furthermore, he has lacked the backing of the major graduate schools (being an immigrant with a doctorate from the New School), and has thus tended to be undervalued by the market. Besides, he suffered a setback because he had the misfortune to be in the thick of the fracas at the University of Illinois. When working conditions there became intolerable, he felt such an unconditional urge to leave that he sacrificed the bargaining power of his tenure there as associate professor. At the time he went to Carnegie Tech, he could not command a tenure appointment but went on a term arrangement which however it took them only a few months to convert to an appointment with tenure.

In short, here is the kind of man we will want when next we have an appointment to make—and undervalued rather than overvalued on the national economics market—and our salary scale is at least $2500 below what he can command at good centers with about our teaching load, and with a lower cost of living. Another interesting comparison has come in meanwhile. James Ford, whom we let go from a Columbia instructorship to be assistant professor at Vanderbilt, writes that he has refused a post at Ohio State as associate professor at $8100. This is for a man of about the caliber and stage of development we think suitable for an assistant professorship at Columbia. We must be a good $1500 below the market at that level, if this is evidence.

Very truly yours,
/s/ Albert Gailord Hart
Professor of Economics

Source:  Columbia University Archives, Rare Book and Manuscript Library. Central Files, 1890-, Box 400. Folder “Shoup, Carl Sumner (2/2); 1/1956—6/1948”.

Image Source: Franco Modigliani, from MIT Museum website.

Categories
Columbia Economic History Race

Columbia. John W. Burgess charged with “anti-Negro thought” by W.E.B. Du Bois, 1935

 

Preparing for class tomorrow, I was reading the concluding chapter of W.E.B. Du Bois‘s book, Black Reconstruction in America, 1860-1880, that includes the following unflattering portrait of the founder of Columbia University’s School of Political Science, John W. Burgess. Since Burgess’s School of Political Science was the home of graduate economics education at Columbia University and the boundaries between the disciplines of law, history, political science, economics, and sociology were much less well-defined then than today, I think it is worth including W.E.B. Du Bois’s observations here at Economics in the Rear-view Mirror. 

Image Source: W.E.B. Du Bois (ca. 1919 by C. M. Battey) in Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division

_____________________

Excerpt from
Black Reconstruction in America, 1860-1880
by W.E.B. Du Bois.

The real frontal attack on Reconstruction, as interpreted by the leaders of national thought in 1870 and for some time thereafter, came from the universities and particularly from Columbia and Johns Hopkins.

The movement began with Columbia University and with the advent of John W. Burgess of Tennessee and William A. Dunning of New Jersey as professors of political science and history.

Burgess was an ex-Confederate soldier who started to a little Southern college with a box of books, a box of tallow candles and a Negro boy; and his attitude toward the Negro race in after years was subtly colored by this early conception of Negroes as essentially property like books and candles. Dunning was a kindly and impressive professor who was deeply influenced by a growing group of young Southern students and began with them to re-write the history of the nation from 1860 to 1880, in more or less conscious opposition to the classic interpretations of New England.

Burgess was frank and determined in his anti-Negro thought. He expounded his theory of Nordic supremacy which colored all his political theories:

“The claim that there is nothing in the color of the skin from the point of view of political ethics is a great sophism. A black skin means membership in a race of men which has never of itself succeeded in subjecting passion to reason, has never, therefore, created any civilization of any kind. To put such a race of men in possession of a ‘state’ government in a system of federal government is to trust them with the development of political and legal civilization upon the most important subjects of human life, and to do this in communities with a large white population is simply to establish barbarism in power over civilization.” [Burgess, Reconstruction and the Constitution, p.133 ]

Burgess is a Tory and open apostle of reaction. He tells us that the nation now believes “that it is the white man’s mission, his duty and his right, to hold the reins of political power in his own hands for the civilization of the world and the welfare of mankind.”4

4 Burgess, Reconstruction and the Constitution, pp. viii, ix.

For this reason America is following “the European idea of the duty of civilized races to impose their political sovereignty upon civilized, or half civilized, or not fully civilized, races anywhere and everywhere in the world.”5

5 Burgess, Reconstruction and the Constitution, p. 218.

He complacently believes that “There is something natural in the subordination of an inferior race to a superior race, even to the point of the enslavement of the inferior race, but there is nothing natural in the opposite.”6 He therefore denominates Reconstruction as the rule “of the uncivilized Negroes over the whites of the South.”7 This has been the teaching of one of our greatest universities for nearly fifty years.

6 Burgess, Reconstruction and the Constitution, pp. 244-245.
7 Burgess, Reconstruction and the Constitution, p. 218.

Dunning was less dogmatic as a writer, and his own statements are often judicious. But even Dunning can declare that “all the forces [in the South] that made for civilization were dominated by a mass of barbarous freedmen”; and that “the antithesis and antipathy of race and color were crucial and ineradicable.”7a The work of most of the students whom he taught and encouraged has been one-sided and partisan to the last degree. Johns Hopkins University has issued a series of studies similar to Columbia’s; Southern teachers have been welcomed to many Northern universities, where often Negro students have been systematically discouraged, and thus a nation-wide university attitude has arisen by which propaganda against the Negro has been carried on unquestioned.

7a Dunning, Reconstruction, Political and Economic, pp. 212, 213.

The Columbia school of historians and social investigators have issued between 1895 and the present time sixteen studies of Reconstruction in the Southern States, all based on the same thesis and all done according to the same method: first, endless sympathy with the white South; second, ridicule, contempt or silence for the Negro; third, a judicial attitude towards the North, which concludes that the North under great misapprehension did a grievous wrong, but eventually saw its mistake and retreated.

These studies vary, of course, in their methods. Dunning’s own work is usually silent so far as the Negro is concerned. Burgess is more than fair in law but reactionary in matters of race and property, regarding the treatment of a Negro as a man as nothing less than a crime, and admitting that “the mainstay of property is the courts.”

In the books on Reconstruction written by graduates of these universities and others, the studies of Texas, North Carolina, Florida, Virginia and Louisiana are thoroughly bad, giving no complete picture of what happened during Reconstruction, written for the most part by men and women without broad historical or social background, and all designed not to seek the truth but to prove a thesis. Hamilton reaches the climax of this school when he characterizes the black codes, which even Burgess condemned, as “not only … on the whole reasonable, temperate and kindly, but, in the main, necessary.”8

8 Hamilton, “Southern Legislation in Respect to Freedmen” in Studies in Southern History and Politics, p. 156.

 

Source:   W.E. Burghardt Du Bois, Black Reconstruction. An Essay Toward a History of the Part which Black Folk Played in the Attempt to Reconstruct Democracy in America, 1860-1880, pp. 718-720.

Image Source: John W. Burgess in Universities and their Sons, Vol. 2. Boston: R. Herndon Company, 1899,  p. 481.